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PROFESSOR: The first 2/3 of the
course were covering sort

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of what you need to know to know
basic microeconomics--

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consumer theory and
producer theory.

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And basically you can now, if
you understand the material,

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go forth in the world as a
qualified micro economist.

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What we're going to do for the
rest of the semester is apply

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what we've learned and show you
how you can use the tools

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that we've learned from basic
consumer and producer theory

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to understand a broader
range of phenomena.

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Really, you can think
of this as--

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as I talked in the first
lecture about we make

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simplifying assumptions--

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this is sort of as we bend those
simplifying assumptions,

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and consider more and more
realistic applications of

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these models.

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And the hint of what the sort of
stuff you can get to see as

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you move on in economics and
move to our other courses

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beyond micro.

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So what we're going to start
with today-- and of course,

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unfortunately, since I'm going
to cover a lot of topics, I'll

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give each way too little time.

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Including today, which
is one lecture on

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international trade.

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You could take several
courses on it.

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We have an excellent undergrad
course, 14.54 on

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international trade.

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And I'm going to sort of try to
shove down your throats in

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one lecture the key things
you need to know about

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international trade.

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But if you find it interesting
I urge you to

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follow up on this.

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So, thinking about this--

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a good way to think about
international trade is to

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think about an example.

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So let's think about
Valentine's Day.

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Valentine's Day sort
of presents

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an interesting conundrum.

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Because Valentine's Day
happens in the winter.

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And yet, the thing you're
supposed to do is give roses.

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Which don't grow in the
winter in the US.

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At least not very conveniently
in many places.

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So you've got this difficult
issue that basically we're

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supposed to represent this
holiday with something that

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doesn't actually come
that time of year.

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So historically what that meant
it was if you wanted to

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get roses for Valentine's Day
you to buy them from specially

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heated greenhouses.

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Where they set up largely
to supply the roses for

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Valentine's Day.

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There wasn't really a large
purpose for them otherwise.

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However, over the past couple of
decades, what's happened is

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instead-- instead of growing
these in these specially

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heated greenhouses, we've
started flying them in from

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other places, from Colombia.

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Where of course, Colombia's on
the other side of the equator.

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So February is a wonderful
time to

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grow roses in Colombia.

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And as a result we've started
flying them in.

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And the typical rose you will
give on Valentine's Day this

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year will come from Colombia.

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Now the issue is-- is that a
good thing or a bad thing?

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Now on the one hand,
we get cheap roses.

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That's good.

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Especially for poor college
students who want to impress

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their valentine by sending
a dozen roses.

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It's good they're cheap.

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And roses are way cheaper now
than they were when I was--

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even in dollar terms when I was
in college giving roses.

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Roses are just incredibly
cheap now compared to

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20 or 30 years ago.

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On the other hand, a lot
of rose producers

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have lost their jobs.

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A lot of people whose
livelihoods and source of

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income was growing these roses
are now out of jobs.

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OK, these are typically people
who are not high-skilled

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people who can go find
another job easily.

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These are people who have been
really displaced for something

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which was a specialized skill
which they cannot easily use

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other places.

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And basically this trade-off is
sort of a microcosm of the

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debate we have over
international trade every day.

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A debate that's ongoing.

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Obama just came back
to the G20 summit.

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Where there was huge discussions
of the issues of

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international trade.

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It's an ongoing debate.

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And it's a particularly
important topic right now in

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the US because the US is running
what's called an

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enormous trade deficit.

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The trade deficit is the
difference between how much we

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export, that is how much of
our goods we sell to other

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countries, minus how
much we import.

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Which is how much of
goods from other

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countries that we buy.

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Currently we export about
$160 billion worth

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of goods every month.

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So every month we send out $160
billion worth of goods

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around the world.

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We import about $200 billion
of goods every month.

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So that means we have a trade
deficit that's running about

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$40 billion.

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Now the question is--
is that a problem?

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Is it a problem that the US is
systematically buying more

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stuff from the rest
of the world than

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they're buying from us?

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And the answer is it's not
necessarily a problem.

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And really, it might in fact be
a natural outcome because

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of the principle that we'll
focus on today--

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the principle of comparative
advantage.

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Comparative advantage is saying
if some other place is

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particularly good at producing
roses in February, then we

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shouldn't be that stressed
about the fact that we're

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running a deficit of roses.

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That's something which is OK in
terms of total efficiency.

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So to see that, let's focus
as this rose example in a

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particularly simplified way.

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Imagine there's two
countries--

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the US and Colombia.

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And there's only two goods
in the world--

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roses and computers.

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Two countries, two
good models.

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The standard model we work with
with international trade.

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With two country two good models
you can develop almost

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everything you need to know.

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There is no need to make
it more complicated.

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Now, as I mentioned it's really
hard to grow roses in

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February in the US.

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It's a lot easier in Colombia.

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On the other hand, it's much
easier to produce good

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computers in the US than in
Colombia because we have the

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high skilled labor force that
can produce computers.

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So we have a thing where the
US is relatively bad at

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producing roses in February.

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Colombia's relatively bad
at producing computers.

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So the key point is that means
that the opportunity cost--

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remember the opportunity cost,
this key concept we've come

00:06:19.260 --> 00:06:20.800
back to a couple times.

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The opportunity cost of
producing a rose in terms of

00:06:24.320 --> 00:06:28.230
producing computers is
relatively high in the US.

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That is to produce a rose we
have to use so many resources.

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Those resources can be much more
effectively deployed to

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producing computers.

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Likewise, in Colombia, to
produce a computer would use a

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ton of resources that would be
much more effectively deployed

00:06:40.120 --> 00:06:42.040
to produce roses.

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As a result we see that Colombia
has a comparative

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advantage in roses.

00:06:47.620 --> 00:06:51.360
And the US has a comparative
advantage in computers.

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The point is that if a country
is relatively good at

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something then they have a
comparative advantage.

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And it's all about
relativities.

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Because people are going
to want both.

00:07:02.210 --> 00:07:04.400
But the key thing is who's
relatively good at producing

00:07:04.400 --> 00:07:05.950
one versus the other.

00:07:05.950 --> 00:07:08.210
So to see that let's
go to figure 19-1.

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To see how we diagram this,
let's go to figure 19-1.

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Figure 19-1 shows production
possibility frontiers.

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You learned about these
a while back.

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Let me remind you, a production
possibility

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frontier we talked about in
the context of a firm.

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It shows the trade-off between
the firm's ability to produce

00:07:27.130 --> 00:07:29.040
one good versus another good.

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So for a firm producing
two goods a production

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possibilities frontier is the
combination of the two goods

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they could produce at a
given level of inputs.

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So we talked about it from the
context of firms. We can also

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talk about this in the
context of countries.

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That says, we can draw a US

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production possibility frontier.

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Which is given the resources the
US has, it could produce

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up to 2000 computers
and no roses.

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Or 1,000 dozen roses, boxes of
roses, and no computers.

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And let's assume it's
linear in between.

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So the US production possibility
frontier is given

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the resources we have-- and
this is a very simplified

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example-- but just
bear with me.

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Given the resources we have, we
can produce 2000 computers

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and no roses or 1,000 boxes
of roses and no computers.

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Or any combination in between.

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That's our production
possibility frontier.

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Columbia has a production
possibility frontier

00:08:29.750 --> 00:08:31.510
illustrated in the
second panel.

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They can produce 1,000 computers
and no roses.

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Or 2000 boxes of roses
and no computers.

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That is, Columbia has
a comparative

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advantage in roses.

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Meaning that their production
possibility frontier is a lot

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flatter than ours is.

00:08:49.760 --> 00:08:52.480
We have a comparative advantage
in computers.

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Meaning our production
possibility frontier is a lot

00:08:54.440 --> 00:08:57.340
steeper than is Colombia's.

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Ignore panel C for the moment.

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Now remember what the slope of
the production possibility

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frontier is.

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It's the marginal rate of
technical substitution.

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It's the marginal rate at
which the producer can

00:09:13.970 --> 00:09:16.100
substitute one good
for another.

00:09:19.030 --> 00:09:23.920
So basically, for the US, the
marginal rate of substitution

00:09:23.920 --> 00:09:26.980
of roses for computers is -2.

00:09:26.980 --> 00:09:29.450
That is you have to give
up two computers to

00:09:29.450 --> 00:09:31.880
get one box of roses.

00:09:31.880 --> 00:09:34.710
In Colombia it's -1/2.

00:09:34.710 --> 00:09:37.440
You have to give up
1/2 a computer to

00:09:37.440 --> 00:09:39.580
get a box of roses.

00:09:39.580 --> 00:09:42.400
So since the marginal rate of
substitution is so much higher

00:09:42.400 --> 00:09:45.600
in the US, we say that Colombia
has a comparative

00:09:45.600 --> 00:09:47.300
advantage in producing roses.

00:09:50.910 --> 00:09:54.340
Now let's go further and impose
tastes on consumers in

00:09:54.340 --> 00:09:55.750
each country.

00:09:55.750 --> 00:10:02.480
Let's say that tastes are such
that given these production

00:10:02.480 --> 00:10:06.360
possibility frontiers, consumers
in the US choose

00:10:06.360 --> 00:10:08.610
1,000 computers and 500
boxes of roses.

00:10:08.610 --> 00:10:11.260
We choose production
over love.

00:10:11.260 --> 00:10:14.130
Colombia chooses love
over production.

00:10:14.130 --> 00:10:16.360
Given their production
possibility frontier, this is

00:10:16.360 --> 00:10:18.030
not inherently about
taste necessarily.

00:10:18.030 --> 00:10:20.080
Because you have very different
slopes here.

00:10:20.080 --> 00:10:21.820
But given their tastes and their
production possibility

00:10:21.820 --> 00:10:24.490
frontier, they choose
500 computers and

00:10:24.490 --> 00:10:28.740
1,000 boxes of roses.

00:10:28.740 --> 00:10:30.630
Now this we call the outcome.

00:10:30.630 --> 00:10:34.940
We call this outcome the
autarchy outcome.

00:10:34.940 --> 00:10:36.280
Autarchy.

00:10:36.280 --> 00:10:37.660
Which is the word--

00:10:37.660 --> 00:10:39.500
I don't know what the hell it
means, but it basically means

00:10:39.500 --> 00:10:40.620
no trading.

00:10:40.620 --> 00:10:40.860
Autarchy.

00:10:40.860 --> 00:10:42.330
I don't know where
it comes from.

00:10:42.330 --> 00:10:44.320
Must be some Russian
term or something.

00:10:44.320 --> 00:10:45.330
Autarchy.

00:10:45.330 --> 00:10:48.130
Which means no trading.

00:10:48.130 --> 00:10:51.360
So the no trading outcome is
consumers in the US consume

00:10:51.360 --> 00:10:54.650
1,000 computers and 500
boxes of roses.

00:10:54.650 --> 00:10:57.640
Consumers in Colombia consume
500 computers and

00:10:57.640 --> 00:11:00.430
1,000 boxes of roses.

00:11:00.430 --> 00:11:06.040
Now the key point is that both
the US and Colombia can be

00:11:06.040 --> 00:11:10.440
better off if we introduce
trade.

00:11:10.440 --> 00:11:11.820
And how is that?

00:11:11.820 --> 00:11:16.390
Well if we introduced trade,
then each country can

00:11:16.390 --> 00:11:20.650
specialize in their comparative
advantage.

00:11:20.650 --> 00:11:25.110
Trade allows for
specialization.

00:11:25.110 --> 00:11:27.400
That is the key advantage
of trade.

00:11:27.400 --> 00:11:30.950
Their comparative advantage
naturally yields

00:11:30.950 --> 00:11:32.200
specialization.

00:11:35.390 --> 00:11:36.280
Comparative advantage
naturally yields

00:11:36.280 --> 00:11:38.620
specialization-- it makes
sense for the US to be a

00:11:38.620 --> 00:11:41.600
computer producer and Columbia
to be a rose producer.

00:11:41.600 --> 00:11:44.520
It doesn't make sense the two
countries to produce both.

00:11:44.520 --> 00:11:48.100
But absent international trade
they have to produce both.

00:11:48.100 --> 00:11:50.210
Because consumers want both.

00:11:50.210 --> 00:11:52.920
So if we're shut off from the
world and Columbia's shut off

00:11:52.920 --> 00:11:58.170
from the world, then we end up
as in figures A and B. But

00:11:58.170 --> 00:12:01.800
once we introduce trade, then
we can take advantage of our

00:12:01.800 --> 00:12:03.870
relative expertise.

00:12:03.870 --> 00:12:06.770
And we get a new production
possibility frontier which

00:12:06.770 --> 00:12:10.090
looks like panel C.

00:12:10.090 --> 00:12:16.720
That is, if you want more
than 2000 computers--

00:12:16.720 --> 00:12:21.270
so if you want 2000 computers
and 2000 roses--

00:12:21.270 --> 00:12:25.270
then you simply have the US
produce just computers and

00:12:25.270 --> 00:12:27.800
Colombia produce just roses.

00:12:27.800 --> 00:12:30.150
And you can get 2000 of each.

00:12:30.150 --> 00:12:32.890
Now you can get 3,000 computers
and no roses by

00:12:32.890 --> 00:12:34.790
having everybody produce
computers.

00:12:34.790 --> 00:12:37.600
Or 3,000 roses and no computers
by having everybody

00:12:37.600 --> 00:12:38.990
produce roses.

00:12:38.990 --> 00:12:40.940
So you know production
possibility frontier has its

00:12:40.940 --> 00:12:46.330
sort of wedge point that
2000-2000 intersection.

00:12:46.330 --> 00:12:47.890
You can label that point the
point of specialization where

00:12:47.890 --> 00:12:49.940
those two dashed lines
hit the solid line.

00:12:49.940 --> 00:12:51.560
That's the point of
specialization, pure

00:12:51.560 --> 00:12:52.670
specialization.

00:12:52.670 --> 00:12:56.280
That's the point where the US
does just what it's good at.

00:12:56.280 --> 00:12:59.170
And Colombia does just
what it's good at.

00:12:59.170 --> 00:13:01.260
Of course you could have
other combinations too.

00:13:01.260 --> 00:13:02.620
And that's what leads
to this bent

00:13:02.620 --> 00:13:04.300
production possibility frontier.

00:13:04.300 --> 00:13:06.950
But the key point is this joint
production possibility

00:13:06.950 --> 00:13:10.420
frontier is further out than
what any country could have

00:13:10.420 --> 00:13:13.310
produced on its own.

00:13:13.310 --> 00:13:15.550
We've increased the
opportunity set.

00:13:15.550 --> 00:13:19.490
Specialization has led to a
larger opportunity set.

00:13:22.650 --> 00:13:24.670
A larger opportunity set-- we've
expanded the opportunity

00:13:24.670 --> 00:13:27.195
set for the world by allowing
countries to specialize.

00:13:30.370 --> 00:13:35.500
And the result of that you can
see in the next figure.

00:13:35.500 --> 00:13:40.690
In figure 19-2 which shows
gains from trade.

00:13:40.690 --> 00:13:42.320
So what this figure shows--

00:13:42.320 --> 00:13:44.320
this is the same autarchy
figure from

00:13:44.320 --> 00:13:45.970
panels A and B before.

00:13:45.970 --> 00:13:47.220
I've just added some
more labels.

00:13:50.130 --> 00:13:53.640
So what we see is, in
autarchy, we're at

00:13:53.640 --> 00:13:55.760
point C- sub US.

00:13:55.760 --> 00:13:58.380
With the US producing and
consuming 1,000 computers and

00:13:58.380 --> 00:14:02.540
500 boxes of roses.

00:14:02.540 --> 00:14:06.180
If we move to specialization,
move to international trade,

00:14:06.180 --> 00:14:10.440
what happens is the US moves
to producing 2000

00:14:10.440 --> 00:14:13.040
computers at Q-US.

00:14:13.040 --> 00:14:15.825
And, likewise, looking at the
second panel, Colombia moves

00:14:15.825 --> 00:14:19.033
to producing 2000 box
of roses at Q-CO.

00:14:21.960 --> 00:14:25.650
And US consumers now increase
their consumption of both

00:14:25.650 --> 00:14:28.760
roses and computers.

00:14:28.760 --> 00:14:31.350
As do Colombian consumers.

00:14:31.350 --> 00:14:37.030
And you end up with total
consumption of 2000 computers

00:14:37.030 --> 00:14:37.980
and 2000 roses.

00:14:37.980 --> 00:14:41.310
So the US consumes 1250
computers and Colombia

00:14:41.310 --> 00:14:42.840
consumes 750.

00:14:42.840 --> 00:14:44.440
And the flip for roses.

00:14:44.440 --> 00:14:46.840
So we are learning that
Colombians, even at the same

00:14:46.840 --> 00:14:49.450
price, do prefer love
over production.

00:14:49.450 --> 00:14:52.450
But nonetheless, the bottom
line is, both sets of

00:14:52.450 --> 00:14:54.600
consumers are better off.

00:14:54.600 --> 00:14:57.610
Both sets of consumers are
consuming at a higher point

00:14:57.610 --> 00:14:59.870
than was possible
without trade.

00:14:59.870 --> 00:15:02.420
It's magic.

00:15:02.420 --> 00:15:05.620
The magic is that simply by
letting them trade we have

00:15:05.620 --> 00:15:08.210
made both countries
better off.

00:15:08.210 --> 00:15:11.790
And the magic, the key to the
magic, is specialization and

00:15:11.790 --> 00:15:13.110
comparative advantage.

00:15:13.110 --> 00:15:16.270
If the US and Colombia were
identical in terms of their

00:15:16.270 --> 00:15:19.900
production possibility frontiers
then you should be

00:15:19.900 --> 00:15:23.940
able to see that there would
be no gains from trade.

00:15:23.940 --> 00:15:25.550
If they had the same production
possibility

00:15:25.550 --> 00:15:29.180
frontier, if in A and B the
slopes were the same, then the

00:15:29.180 --> 00:15:31.260
joint production possibility
frontier would be identical to

00:15:31.260 --> 00:15:32.620
what's in each country.

00:15:32.620 --> 00:15:34.500
There would be no gains
from trade.

00:15:34.500 --> 00:15:36.990
Gains from trade come from the
fact that these production

00:15:36.990 --> 00:15:39.370
possibility frontiers have
different slopes.

00:15:39.370 --> 00:15:41.230
That there's comparative
advantage in one country and

00:15:41.230 --> 00:15:42.070
not another.

00:15:42.070 --> 00:15:43.320
Which allows specialization.

00:15:45.560 --> 00:15:49.470
So, basically, the key insight
of international trade-- and

00:15:49.470 --> 00:15:52.660
once again I'm doing now in 50
minutes what you do in 12

00:15:52.660 --> 00:15:54.610
lectures when you
get it right.

00:15:54.610 --> 00:15:59.700
But the rough insight is that
comparative advantage yields

00:15:59.700 --> 00:16:02.550
specialization, yields
gains from trade.

00:16:02.550 --> 00:16:04.480
That's sort of the chain
of logic to be

00:16:04.480 --> 00:16:07.310
thinking about this.

00:16:07.310 --> 00:16:09.111
Questions about that?

00:16:09.111 --> 00:16:10.524
Yeah?

00:16:10.524 --> 00:16:12.408
AUDIENCE: If we're going to
adjust to international

00:16:12.408 --> 00:16:12.879
situations?

00:16:12.879 --> 00:16:13.821
Or could it be any sort of

00:16:13.821 --> 00:16:15.240
specialization between two companies?

00:16:15.240 --> 00:16:17.060
PROFESSOR: Any specialization
between two companies.

00:16:17.060 --> 00:16:18.620
So just we learned about
this originally in

00:16:18.620 --> 00:16:20.340
the context of companies.

00:16:20.340 --> 00:16:22.330
Same issue.

00:16:22.330 --> 00:16:23.730
In the business world they
have a term for this.

00:16:23.730 --> 00:16:24.530
What do they call it?

00:16:24.530 --> 00:16:26.110
Synergy.

00:16:26.110 --> 00:16:26.990
You all know that word, you've
got to if you're going to

00:16:26.990 --> 00:16:27.490
business school.

00:16:27.490 --> 00:16:29.070
Synergy.

00:16:29.070 --> 00:16:31.780
Synergy means that somehow you
put two companies together and

00:16:31.780 --> 00:16:34.440
they can produce the
same stuff better.

00:16:34.440 --> 00:16:36.920
Synergy is a fancy
name for this.

00:16:36.920 --> 00:16:39.950
Which is the idea is that
there may be gains from

00:16:39.950 --> 00:16:42.360
specialization even
within a company.

00:16:42.360 --> 00:16:47.970
But if you take the old
example, take two shoe

00:16:47.970 --> 00:16:51.360
companies, both producing left
and right shoes inefficiently

00:16:51.360 --> 00:16:52.220
and they could specialize.

00:16:52.220 --> 00:16:53.630
And one could do better
producing left shoes and one

00:16:53.630 --> 00:16:54.610
at right shoes.

00:16:54.610 --> 00:16:55.730
You put them together
and overall you

00:16:55.730 --> 00:16:57.050
can have more shoes.

00:16:57.050 --> 00:16:58.610
That's actually a pretty
stupid example,

00:16:58.610 --> 00:17:00.020
but you get the point.

00:17:00.020 --> 00:17:04.880
That basically the same
principle can occur whenever

00:17:04.880 --> 00:17:06.839
there are gains from trade.

00:17:06.839 --> 00:17:09.079
Whenever there's comparative
advantage of specialization

00:17:09.079 --> 00:17:10.790
you make gains from trade.

00:17:10.790 --> 00:17:11.680
Good question.

00:17:11.680 --> 00:17:12.930
Other questions?

00:17:14.750 --> 00:17:17.440
Now, that raises the interesting
question of-- well

00:17:17.440 --> 00:17:19.140
these comparative advantage
things sound great.

00:17:19.140 --> 00:17:20.180
Where can I get one?

00:17:20.180 --> 00:17:22.819
Where do comparative advantages
come from?

00:17:22.819 --> 00:17:25.710
And there's really two sources
of comparative advantages.

00:17:25.710 --> 00:17:27.800
Comparative advantage in
international trade.

00:17:27.800 --> 00:17:29.670
So where does comparative
advantage come from?

00:17:29.670 --> 00:17:32.220
One is differences in
factor endowment.

00:17:37.510 --> 00:17:39.250
Differences in factor
endowment.

00:17:39.250 --> 00:17:43.300
What that means, is that
for example, Canada

00:17:43.300 --> 00:17:46.220
has a ton of trees.

00:17:46.220 --> 00:17:48.040
Everywhere.

00:17:48.040 --> 00:17:50.930
Canada is endowed
with an enormous

00:17:50.930 --> 00:17:52.920
amount of lumber resources.

00:17:52.920 --> 00:17:54.690
With that factor very well.

00:17:54.690 --> 00:17:57.590
So Canada is an enormous
exporter of

00:17:57.590 --> 00:17:59.440
lumber and paper products.

00:17:59.440 --> 00:18:01.210
Because they happen to have the
main thing you need for

00:18:01.210 --> 00:18:05.320
that which is unbelievable
amounts of trees, everywhere.

00:18:05.320 --> 00:18:11.620
So Canada can specialize in
exporting lumber and paper.

00:18:11.620 --> 00:18:14.430
So now that gives them
a comparative

00:18:14.430 --> 00:18:16.940
advantage in that area.

00:18:16.940 --> 00:18:18.270
Now let me ask you
another question.

00:18:18.270 --> 00:18:20.930
Why does China export most of
the world's clothes now?

00:18:24.500 --> 00:18:25.450
What?

00:18:25.450 --> 00:18:25.980
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

00:18:25.980 --> 00:18:26.760
PROFESSOR: Cheap labor.

00:18:26.760 --> 00:18:28.520
It's not that they have
cheaper textiles.

00:18:28.520 --> 00:18:30.850
It's not that the
cloth itself--

00:18:30.850 --> 00:18:32.940
and I realize that the silkworms
are in China.

00:18:32.940 --> 00:18:34.990
But not like the actual
production of cloth is that

00:18:34.990 --> 00:18:35.560
much cheaper.

00:18:35.560 --> 00:18:37.980
It's that clothes
are primarily a

00:18:37.980 --> 00:18:39.950
labor intensive good.

00:18:39.950 --> 00:18:42.190
And the labor is cheapest
in China.

00:18:42.190 --> 00:18:43.930
So they have a factor
endowment.

00:18:43.930 --> 00:18:46.260
They have an advantage,
comparative advantage, in

00:18:46.260 --> 00:18:48.570
labor intensive goods.

00:18:48.570 --> 00:18:53.120
So China, with international
trade, will produce a

00:18:53.120 --> 00:18:55.140
disproportionate share of
labor intensive goods.

00:18:55.140 --> 00:18:57.580
Because they can specialize
in labor intensive goods.

00:18:57.580 --> 00:19:00.070
And make them cheaper for
the rest of the world.

00:19:00.070 --> 00:19:05.270
So likewise, a sweatshirt that
you would go and buy today--

00:19:05.270 --> 00:19:07.350
especially if you go and buy
it at a not top end store.

00:19:07.350 --> 00:19:11.270
At an Old Navy or even
at a Costco.

00:19:11.270 --> 00:19:13.930
Is literally in dollar terms
cheaper than what I paid for

00:19:13.930 --> 00:19:15.530
that same sweatshirt when
I was in college

00:19:15.530 --> 00:19:18.280
in the early 1980s.

00:19:18.280 --> 00:19:20.240
Because they're just
produced incredibly

00:19:20.240 --> 00:19:21.040
cheaply in China now.

00:19:21.040 --> 00:19:22.290
We bring them in and
they're just cheap.

00:19:25.060 --> 00:19:32.080
Goods where you can specialize
in that are going to be--

00:19:32.080 --> 00:19:35.220
when you take advantage
of specialization

00:19:35.220 --> 00:19:37.170
will be a lot cheaper.

00:19:37.170 --> 00:19:39.950
So that's one reason why you
see comparative advantage.

00:19:42.690 --> 00:19:47.220
The second reason is going to
be technological leadership.

00:19:54.620 --> 00:19:56.340
Technological leadership.

00:19:56.340 --> 00:20:01.320
So, for example, Japan has no
natural comparative advantage

00:20:01.320 --> 00:20:03.260
of producing cars.

00:20:03.260 --> 00:20:04.780
There's no reason why Japan
should have a comparative

00:20:04.780 --> 00:20:07.340
advantage of producing
cars over the US.

00:20:07.340 --> 00:20:11.170
Except they developed the
technology to more efficiently

00:20:11.170 --> 00:20:14.970
mass produce the modern
automobile.

00:20:14.970 --> 00:20:19.130
As a result of that
technological leadership they

00:20:19.130 --> 00:20:22.830
gave themselves, essentially,
comparative advantage.

00:20:22.830 --> 00:20:25.940
Now, once that technology
becomes public, the production

00:20:25.940 --> 00:20:26.600
shifts elsewhere.

00:20:26.600 --> 00:20:29.320
So now China is a major
producer of cars.

00:20:29.320 --> 00:20:32.170
Basically copy-catting the
technology developed in Japan.

00:20:32.170 --> 00:20:33.640
So it does move elsewhere.

00:20:33.640 --> 00:20:35.790
Unlike factor endowments--

00:20:35.790 --> 00:20:37.130
if the US wanted to compete with
Canada I guess we could

00:20:37.130 --> 00:20:39.370
plant trees and in 50 years
we would compete.

00:20:39.370 --> 00:20:41.860
But factor endowments are kind
of hard to compete on.

00:20:41.860 --> 00:20:44.895
Technology is potentially a
little bit easier because you

00:20:44.895 --> 00:20:47.430
can reverse engineer things.

00:20:47.430 --> 00:20:48.320
So once again, the

00:20:48.320 --> 00:20:49.930
technology's shifting to China.

00:20:49.930 --> 00:20:51.940
So really the answer is in the
long run everything's going to

00:20:51.940 --> 00:20:53.480
be made in China.

00:20:53.480 --> 00:20:55.610
Because they've got
the cheap labor.

00:20:55.610 --> 00:20:59.200
And they're adopting
the technology.

00:20:59.200 --> 00:21:01.270
And once again, to quote towards
our most important

00:21:01.270 --> 00:21:04.010
sense of cultural relevance,
there's the episode of the

00:21:04.010 --> 00:21:07.390
Simpsons where Homer says,
don't worry we're fine.

00:21:07.390 --> 00:21:10.240
We're going to rule--

00:21:10.240 --> 00:21:11.340
our country's going
to rule the world.

00:21:11.340 --> 00:21:11.910
We're fine in the future.

00:21:11.910 --> 00:21:14.610
He goes, wait a second
we're China, right?

00:21:14.610 --> 00:21:18.610
So basically China is doing very
well because they've got

00:21:18.610 --> 00:21:20.920
these factor endowments--

00:21:20.920 --> 00:21:24.760
these great factor endowments
and because they are adopting

00:21:24.760 --> 00:21:25.980
technology as well.

00:21:25.980 --> 00:21:29.164
What's interesting about this
is this really leads to some

00:21:29.164 --> 00:21:30.240
more interesting
policy issues.

00:21:30.240 --> 00:21:31.410
Once again, factor endowment
you can't

00:21:31.410 --> 00:21:32.820
do a whole lot about.

00:21:32.820 --> 00:21:36.700
The interesting policy issues
are in technological progress.

00:21:36.700 --> 00:21:38.890
This is an argument that many
people make for subsidizing

00:21:38.890 --> 00:21:39.600
new technologies.

00:21:39.600 --> 00:21:41.510
So you often hear President
Obama saying, we need to

00:21:41.510 --> 00:21:43.370
subsidize green technologies.

00:21:43.370 --> 00:21:44.800
This is the wave
of the future.

00:21:44.800 --> 00:21:47.290
The idea, what he's saying
implicitly is if we get the

00:21:47.290 --> 00:21:50.640
technological leadership, we
can make the green products

00:21:50.640 --> 00:21:51.300
that are exported.

00:21:51.300 --> 00:21:51.790
Not the color--

00:21:51.790 --> 00:21:54.450
I mean environmental stuff--
that can be exported to the

00:21:54.450 --> 00:21:55.410
rest of the world.

00:21:55.410 --> 00:21:56.880
And that's the argument
that he's making.

00:21:59.490 --> 00:22:00.740
Question about that?

00:22:02.920 --> 00:22:06.330
Now let's talk about where we
started the lecture, which is

00:22:06.330 --> 00:22:07.560
is trade a good thing
or a bad thing?

00:22:07.560 --> 00:22:10.800
I just talked about how trade
can greatly increase

00:22:10.800 --> 00:22:12.670
consumption possibilities.

00:22:12.670 --> 00:22:16.960
But why haven't we talked
about the consumers?

00:22:16.960 --> 00:22:20.380
What about overall
social welfare.

00:22:20.380 --> 00:22:23.300
And the answer is that
trade unambiguously

00:22:23.300 --> 00:22:25.470
increases social welfare.

00:22:25.470 --> 00:22:30.640
That trade is unambiguously
a good thing to do.

00:22:30.640 --> 00:22:36.630
So to see that let's go to the
next series of figures.

00:22:36.630 --> 00:22:39.000
Start with figure 19-3.

00:22:39.000 --> 00:22:41.440
So let's start with the
market for roses

00:22:41.440 --> 00:22:42.990
and imagine we have--

00:22:42.990 --> 00:22:45.410
[INAUDIBLE] autarchy is
sometimes spelled with a K,

00:22:45.410 --> 00:22:47.200
sometimes with a CH, I don't
know what the right way to

00:22:47.200 --> 00:22:48.230
spell it is.

00:22:48.230 --> 00:22:50.490
But anyway, you have autarchy.

00:22:50.490 --> 00:22:52.960
So the US-- imagine the old days
where we produced all our

00:22:52.960 --> 00:22:54.890
roses and we're at some
equilibrium with some consumer

00:22:54.890 --> 00:22:56.620
surplus and producer surplus.

00:22:56.620 --> 00:23:02.090
So we produce Q sub A roses
at a price p sub A.

00:23:02.090 --> 00:23:04.720
Now, in figure 19-4 we're
going to introduce

00:23:04.720 --> 00:23:05.480
international trade.

00:23:05.480 --> 00:23:09.110
It's a little confusing, so
let's go through it slowly.

00:23:09.110 --> 00:23:11.450
Figure 19-4.

00:23:11.450 --> 00:23:14.520
You can find on that figure the
domestic supply and the

00:23:14.520 --> 00:23:15.770
domestic demand.

00:23:15.770 --> 00:23:20.670
And they intersect at point A.
Figure 19-4, domestic supply

00:23:20.670 --> 00:23:25.790
and domestic demand intersect
at A. Which is once again a

00:23:25.790 --> 00:23:27.600
quantiy of Q sub A and
a price of P sub a.

00:23:30.110 --> 00:23:36.310
Now let's say that what happens
is we now allow

00:23:36.310 --> 00:23:38.740
imports of roses.

00:23:38.740 --> 00:23:40.510
We now trade with Colombia
for roses.

00:23:40.510 --> 00:23:43.220
What that does is that means now
instead of just drawing on

00:23:43.220 --> 00:23:46.100
the domestic supply, we
can now draw on the

00:23:46.100 --> 00:23:47.990
world's supply of roses.

00:23:47.990 --> 00:23:49.420
We don't have to just rely
on domestic supply.

00:23:49.420 --> 00:23:52.110
Well, that by definition has
shifted further out.

00:23:52.110 --> 00:23:53.860
And it's shifted further out
because other countries

00:23:53.860 --> 00:23:57.080
countries can produce roses so
much more cheaply than we can.

00:23:57.080 --> 00:24:00.680
So we can rely on the world's
supply of roses.

00:24:00.680 --> 00:24:03.130
Remember my cotton example where
you first buy from the

00:24:03.130 --> 00:24:04.200
cheapest country, then the next

00:24:04.200 --> 00:24:05.580
cheapest country, et cetera.

00:24:05.580 --> 00:24:07.270
This is what we're saying--
if the US was the cheapest

00:24:07.270 --> 00:24:09.960
producer of roses, this
wouldn't shift out.

00:24:09.960 --> 00:24:12.180
But since the US is not the
cheapest producer of roses

00:24:12.180 --> 00:24:14.150
this shifts out to
world supply.

00:24:14.150 --> 00:24:18.250
And we get to a new
equilibrium at

00:24:18.250 --> 00:24:19.890
quantity C sub t.

00:24:23.620 --> 00:24:26.130
That's the new quantity
of roses we consume.

00:24:26.130 --> 00:24:27.380
And a lower price P sub w.

00:24:30.260 --> 00:24:32.430
The horizontal line's a little
distracting, actually.

00:24:32.430 --> 00:24:35.755
But basically what you have
here-- the horizontal line is

00:24:35.755 --> 00:24:39.190
just showing the price in
autarchy and the world price.

00:24:39.190 --> 00:24:41.805
But the bottom line is, what
you get you get is you get

00:24:41.805 --> 00:24:47.823
this new equilibrium with
a quantity C sub t and

00:24:47.823 --> 00:24:48.950
a price P sub w.

00:24:48.950 --> 00:24:53.060
And in particular, what we're
seeing is that total domestic

00:24:53.060 --> 00:24:55.190
consumption of roses
has increased.

00:24:55.190 --> 00:24:56.940
But domestic production
has fallen.

00:24:56.940 --> 00:25:00.480
Because look, the new price
intersects the supply

00:25:00.480 --> 00:25:04.040
curve at Q sub t.

00:25:04.040 --> 00:25:08.540
So what happens is at that new
lower price P sub w, US rose

00:25:08.540 --> 00:25:10.180
producers aren't actually
producing as much.

00:25:10.180 --> 00:25:15.420
So US domestic production falls
from Q sub a to Q sub t.

00:25:15.420 --> 00:25:19.310
But US consumption rises from
Q sub a to C sub t.

00:25:19.310 --> 00:25:22.330
The difference is imports.

00:25:22.330 --> 00:25:25.020
Production falls from
Q sub a to Q sub t.

00:25:25.020 --> 00:25:27.630
Consumption rises from
Q sub a to C sub t.

00:25:27.630 --> 00:25:30.060
The difference is imports.

00:25:30.060 --> 00:25:31.320
And that's what happens
when we allow

00:25:31.320 --> 00:25:33.670
Colombia to send us roses.

00:25:33.670 --> 00:25:35.480
What are the welfare
implications of that?

00:25:35.480 --> 00:25:38.300
Let's go to figure 19-5.

00:25:38.300 --> 00:25:41.530
And what you can see is we
can show you the welfare

00:25:41.530 --> 00:25:42.100
implications.

00:25:42.100 --> 00:25:46.400
Previously consumer surplus was
W. Producer surplus was X

00:25:46.400 --> 00:25:51.040
plus that other white triangle
below X. Now what's happened?

00:25:51.040 --> 00:25:54.880
Consumer surplus has gone up by
X, because consumers have

00:25:54.880 --> 00:25:56.750
gained that plus z.

00:25:56.750 --> 00:26:01.570
So consumers have gained that
entire trapezoid, X plus Z.

00:26:01.570 --> 00:26:06.420
Producers have lost x.

00:26:06.420 --> 00:26:10.180
Producers have lost that
trapezoid, X. So in total

00:26:10.180 --> 00:26:13.400
we've gained Z. We've gained
that entire triangle, Z. Z is

00:26:13.400 --> 00:26:16.260
the entire triangle on both
sides of the dashed line.

00:26:16.260 --> 00:26:20.130
So we've gained all of Z.
Consumers gained X plus Z,

00:26:20.130 --> 00:26:25.990
producers lost X. We've gained
Z. So overall we've increased

00:26:25.990 --> 00:26:30.550
welfare in the US.

00:26:30.550 --> 00:26:35.170
So basically consumers
win, producers lose.

00:26:35.170 --> 00:26:36.480
And that's the problem.

00:26:36.480 --> 00:26:39.070
The political problem we have.
And I'll come back to this.

00:26:39.070 --> 00:26:41.500
What you can see is consumers
win, producers lose.

00:26:41.500 --> 00:26:45.550
But by definition, consumers win
more than producers lose.

00:26:45.550 --> 00:26:47.560
So overall, social surplus
has gone up.

00:26:50.270 --> 00:26:53.060
Now that's the case
of imports.

00:26:53.060 --> 00:26:53.970
Now what about exports?

00:26:53.970 --> 00:26:55.260
Well if imports make
us better, do

00:26:55.260 --> 00:26:57.070
exports make us worse?

00:26:57.070 --> 00:26:58.800
We just said imports
make us better.

00:26:58.800 --> 00:26:59.470
What about exports?

00:26:59.470 --> 00:27:03.770
Well let's look at that
in figure 19-6.

00:27:03.770 --> 00:27:06.720
Now figure 19-6 shows what
happens with exports.

00:27:06.720 --> 00:27:10.930
Once again we start at point A,
the domestic outcome, point

00:27:10.930 --> 00:27:18.400
A. And now we're talking
about computers.

00:27:18.400 --> 00:27:21.100
So now the US is going
to export computers.

00:27:21.100 --> 00:27:27.550
What that means is that the
supply of computers to people

00:27:27.550 --> 00:27:29.560
in the US is going to fall.

00:27:29.560 --> 00:27:29.890
why?

00:27:29.890 --> 00:27:31.910
Because a bunch of them are
going to get sent away.

00:27:31.910 --> 00:27:35.480
So it used to be US consumers
got to consume on that

00:27:35.480 --> 00:27:38.040
domestic supply--

00:27:38.040 --> 00:27:40.470
so US producers used domestic
supply curve.

00:27:40.470 --> 00:27:43.840
And we had domestic demand
intersecting at A. Well now,

00:27:43.840 --> 00:27:45.660
domestic producers are shipping
a bunch of the

00:27:45.660 --> 00:27:49.380
computers to Japan, and
China, and Colombia.

00:27:49.380 --> 00:27:52.710
As a result, the supply
has shifted in.

00:27:52.710 --> 00:27:53.820
Because they don't have
as many computers

00:27:53.820 --> 00:27:55.410
to sell in the US.

00:27:55.410 --> 00:27:58.070
That means the price rises.

00:27:58.070 --> 00:28:01.640
So because of exports we pay
more for our computers.

00:28:01.640 --> 00:28:03.040
And it sort of makes
sense, right?

00:28:03.040 --> 00:28:03.910
They produce a bunch
of computers.

00:28:03.910 --> 00:28:06.480
If there's been a great demand
for them elsewhere and we want

00:28:06.480 --> 00:28:08.170
them too, we're going to have
to pay a higher price.

00:28:08.170 --> 00:28:08.880
Because we're competing
with other

00:28:08.880 --> 00:28:11.840
people for those computers.

00:28:11.840 --> 00:28:14.940
So now that supply curve
has shifted up.

00:28:14.940 --> 00:28:22.540
And now we end up that US
consumers only want to C sub t

00:28:22.540 --> 00:28:26.920
computers at a new higher
price a P sub w.

00:28:26.920 --> 00:28:35.290
But the world is now saying,
well we are interested in the

00:28:35.290 --> 00:28:39.810
total amount of computer
we want is Q sub t.

00:28:39.810 --> 00:28:43.020
So what that world
price of sub w--

00:28:43.020 --> 00:28:45.146
the domestic producers say
great, at that higher price P

00:28:45.146 --> 00:28:49.490
sub w, I'm delighted to produce
Q sub t computers.

00:28:49.490 --> 00:28:51.970
So what I'm going to do is I'm
going to produce Q sub t, I'm

00:28:51.970 --> 00:28:56.060
going to ship Q sub t minus
C sub t elsewhere.

00:28:56.060 --> 00:28:58.610
And US consumers will
consume C sub t.

00:28:58.610 --> 00:29:01.440
So consumers are worse off.

00:29:01.440 --> 00:29:03.130
So unlike imports which make
consumers better off,

00:29:03.130 --> 00:29:04.640
consumers are worse off.

00:29:04.640 --> 00:29:05.960
So is trade bad?

00:29:05.960 --> 00:29:06.890
Well, no.

00:29:06.890 --> 00:29:07.890
Trade's not bad.

00:29:07.890 --> 00:29:10.360
But the bottom line is, domestic
producers are going

00:29:10.360 --> 00:29:14.460
to gain more than domestic
consumers lose.

00:29:14.460 --> 00:29:16.120
The bottom line is we'll be
better off from exports.

00:29:16.120 --> 00:29:18.850
But in this case, consumers
lose and producers win.

00:29:21.450 --> 00:29:23.000
Society gains either way.

00:29:23.000 --> 00:29:26.040
Society gains from imports
because consumers gain more

00:29:26.040 --> 00:29:27.470
than producers lose.

00:29:27.470 --> 00:29:29.420
Society gains from exports.

00:29:29.420 --> 00:29:36.490
Because producers gain more
than consumers lose.

00:29:36.490 --> 00:29:41.080
So what that means is that any
form of trade is going to make

00:29:41.080 --> 00:29:42.630
the US better off.

00:29:42.630 --> 00:29:46.040
But also inevitably
create losers.

00:29:46.040 --> 00:29:47.710
Any form of trade will make
the US better off but

00:29:47.710 --> 00:29:50.870
inevitably create losers.

00:29:50.870 --> 00:29:54.490
And the problem is that those
losers are very loud in the

00:29:54.490 --> 00:29:56.990
political process.

00:29:56.990 --> 00:29:59.940
And the winners are
not so loud.

00:29:59.940 --> 00:30:05.290
So, for example, if you polled
US consumers and said, how

00:30:05.290 --> 00:30:07.580
much are you saving on
your sweat shirts?

00:30:07.580 --> 00:30:10.390
Because we import textiles
from China.

00:30:10.390 --> 00:30:11.840
They wouldn't know.

00:30:11.840 --> 00:30:13.600
I mean they'd say a
couple bucks what

00:30:13.600 --> 00:30:15.180
in fact it's maybe--

00:30:15.180 --> 00:30:17.380
they'd say I don't know, 10% of
the price when it's maybe

00:30:17.380 --> 00:30:19.290
more like 50% of the price.

00:30:19.290 --> 00:30:22.060
But if you polled US textile
manufacturers, or guys who

00:30:22.060 --> 00:30:24.370
have left the business, and
said how much did you lose

00:30:24.370 --> 00:30:26.740
because of imports of China,
they'd tell you exactly how

00:30:26.740 --> 00:30:29.780
much they lost. They'd tell
you 10 times as much.

00:30:29.780 --> 00:30:32.020
But they know how much they
lost. And they go to their

00:30:32.020 --> 00:30:34.980
politicians and they say, hey
we're losing jobs here.

00:30:34.980 --> 00:30:36.570
And the consumers don't come
saying, hey I'm getting

00:30:36.570 --> 00:30:39.020
cheaper sweatshirts here.

00:30:39.020 --> 00:30:46.040
As a result, there's huge
political backlash against

00:30:46.040 --> 00:30:48.500
imports in particular.

00:30:48.500 --> 00:30:56.180
So that leads to policies
which limit imports into

00:30:56.180 --> 00:30:58.560
countries like the US.

00:30:58.560 --> 00:31:08.740
Like tariffs, which are
essentially taxes.

00:31:08.740 --> 00:31:12.870
Tariffs, which are essentially
taxes on goods imported into

00:31:12.870 --> 00:31:15.030
the US to us.

00:31:15.030 --> 00:31:17.440
Which are taxes on goods that
are imported into the US.

00:31:17.440 --> 00:31:21.510
Or quotas, which are limits
on how much companies

00:31:21.510 --> 00:31:22.760
can send to the US.

00:31:28.870 --> 00:31:32.740
What I think what you should
know now is by definition--

00:31:32.740 --> 00:31:34.920
since I said free trade
is good, these things

00:31:34.920 --> 00:31:36.380
are going to be bad.

00:31:36.380 --> 00:31:37.820
And they're going to be bad--

00:31:37.820 --> 00:31:39.550
things like tariffs are going
to be bad because they're

00:31:39.550 --> 00:31:42.930
going to hurt US consumers more
than they're going to

00:31:42.930 --> 00:31:45.110
help US producers.

00:31:45.110 --> 00:31:52.310
So to see that let's
go to figure 19-8.

00:31:52.310 --> 00:31:53.800
Let's show what happens
with a tariff.

00:32:00.070 --> 00:32:04.000
This is saying that now we're
starting the world with trade.

00:32:04.000 --> 00:32:08.940
So the world with trade we're
producing C sub 1, which is

00:32:08.940 --> 00:32:11.250
where domestic demand equals
world supply at

00:32:11.250 --> 00:32:14.440
a price P sub w.

00:32:14.440 --> 00:32:16.270
That's where we were
with trade.

00:32:16.270 --> 00:32:20.090
Now the US government comes
in and levies a tariff.

00:32:20.090 --> 00:32:23.420
And says that that tariff is
going to be the difference

00:32:23.420 --> 00:32:24.900
between P sub w and P sub t.

00:32:24.900 --> 00:32:26.120
So that's the amount
of the tariff.

00:32:26.120 --> 00:32:29.750
They are going to raise the
price essentially to P sub t.

00:32:29.750 --> 00:32:32.600
They're essentially going to
levy a tax on roses that come

00:32:32.600 --> 00:32:34.060
in from Colombia.

00:32:34.060 --> 00:32:38.460
What that does is that means
that consumers now, at that

00:32:38.460 --> 00:32:42.690
higher price, only want
C sub 2 roses.

00:32:42.690 --> 00:32:44.800
That's where that intersects
demand.

00:32:44.800 --> 00:32:47.610
So they wanted C sub 1 roses
without the tariff.

00:32:47.610 --> 00:32:49.760
But now with the tariff at that
higher price intersects

00:32:49.760 --> 00:32:51.755
demand at C sub 2, they only
want C sub 2 roses.

00:32:54.360 --> 00:32:58.990
Producers, given that they have
to pay the tariff, are

00:32:58.990 --> 00:33:02.280
only going to produce Q sub 2.

00:33:04.780 --> 00:33:10.940
Domestic producers are now going
to produce Q sub 2 roses

00:33:10.940 --> 00:33:12.750
because they get
a higher price.

00:33:12.750 --> 00:33:16.220
So domestic consumers
are consuming less.

00:33:16.220 --> 00:33:18.750
Domestic producers are
producing more.

00:33:18.750 --> 00:33:20.060
Right, because now that
price is higher.

00:33:20.060 --> 00:33:22.310
So now you could reopen those
heated greenhouses because

00:33:22.310 --> 00:33:23.950
it's worth it now.

00:33:23.950 --> 00:33:26.870
And we end up with a much
smaller amount of imports.

00:33:26.870 --> 00:33:28.790
So in that sense the
tariff worked.

00:33:28.790 --> 00:33:30.650
So in the sense that the goal
of the tariff was to reduce

00:33:30.650 --> 00:33:31.760
imports, it worked.

00:33:31.760 --> 00:33:34.820
Consumers wanted less
from Colombia.

00:33:34.820 --> 00:33:37.190
Producers were happy
to produce more.

00:33:37.190 --> 00:33:39.270
So imports fell.

00:33:39.270 --> 00:33:41.520
So in that sense
tariffs worked.

00:33:41.520 --> 00:33:44.110
They've lowered imports.

00:33:44.110 --> 00:33:45.280
But what do they
do to welfare?

00:33:45.280 --> 00:33:50.620
Well that's our final
figure 19-9.

00:33:50.620 --> 00:33:52.280
What do they do to welfare?

00:33:52.280 --> 00:33:56.660
Well what you can see is
domestic producers gained a

00:33:56.660 --> 00:34:01.770
trapezoid A. Their producer
surplus, which used to be that

00:34:01.770 --> 00:34:07.040
little white triangle below A,
became that entire triangle

00:34:07.040 --> 00:34:09.190
that includes A and the
white part below it.

00:34:09.190 --> 00:34:13.910
So their producer surplus became
A. They gained A in

00:34:13.910 --> 00:34:15.010
producer surplus.

00:34:15.010 --> 00:34:17.389
But consumers lost a ton.

00:34:17.389 --> 00:34:23.530
They lost the entire trapezoid
A plus B plus C plus D. They

00:34:23.530 --> 00:34:26.830
lost that entire trapezoid
gone up to higher prices.

00:34:26.830 --> 00:34:28.400
And now we have one other
player which is the

00:34:28.400 --> 00:34:29.159
government.

00:34:29.159 --> 00:34:30.300
The government made
some money.

00:34:30.300 --> 00:34:31.670
This is a tax.

00:34:31.670 --> 00:34:32.630
How much did the government
make?

00:34:32.630 --> 00:34:35.590
Well we taxed all imports
by the amount P sub

00:34:35.590 --> 00:34:37.070
t minus P sub w.

00:34:37.070 --> 00:34:40.980
So the government made the
rectangle C. The government

00:34:40.980 --> 00:34:42.540
made C because we got
to tax all the

00:34:42.540 --> 00:34:44.139
important at that tariff.

00:34:44.139 --> 00:34:49.820
So on net, society as a whole
is worse off by B plus D.

00:34:49.820 --> 00:34:53.489
Consumers have lost the entire
A plus B plus C plus D.

00:34:53.489 --> 00:34:54.650
Producers got some of that, the

00:34:54.650 --> 00:34:55.770
government got some of that.

00:34:55.770 --> 00:34:57.690
But some of it's dead
weight loss.

00:34:57.690 --> 00:35:01.090
Trades that would have made
consumers better off, and

00:35:01.090 --> 00:35:04.820
worldwide producers better off
that are not happening.

00:35:04.820 --> 00:35:06.870
So this tariff, it
had its effect.

00:35:06.870 --> 00:35:10.030
It lowered imports.

00:35:10.030 --> 00:35:14.880
But at the same time it lowered
social surplus.

00:35:14.880 --> 00:35:21.460
So restrictions on trade
lower welfare.

00:35:21.460 --> 00:35:24.065
And this is why economists
like free trade.

00:35:24.065 --> 00:35:26.135
Because restrictions on
trade lower welfare.

00:35:29.760 --> 00:35:33.000
Are there questions
about that?

00:35:33.000 --> 00:35:37.300
Moreover, this is just what
we call static analysis.

00:35:37.300 --> 00:35:41.930
What else could happen if the
US government voted a tariff

00:35:41.930 --> 00:35:44.120
on roses coming from Colombia?

00:35:44.120 --> 00:35:45.324
What else might happen?

00:35:45.324 --> 00:35:46.540
Yeah?

00:35:46.540 --> 00:35:49.420
AUDIENCE: Colombia might vote
for a tariff on the U.S.

00:35:49.420 --> 00:35:52.080
PROFESSOR: Columbia might vote
for a tariff against computers

00:35:52.080 --> 00:35:53.910
coming from the US.

00:35:53.910 --> 00:35:57.320
Which of course would hurt
Colombian consumers.

00:35:57.320 --> 00:36:00.140
But would also hurt
US producers.

00:36:00.140 --> 00:36:04.180
So from the US's prospective,
that would be even worse.

00:36:04.180 --> 00:36:05.660
So think about it--

00:36:05.660 --> 00:36:08.250
we put a tariff on Colombian
roses which hurt us.

00:36:08.250 --> 00:36:11.370
Then Colombia puts a tariffs on
US computers which hurts us

00:36:11.370 --> 00:36:13.290
even further-- hurts Colombia
too, but we don't care about

00:36:13.290 --> 00:36:15.040
them, we care about us.

00:36:15.040 --> 00:36:16.790
It hurts us even further.

00:36:16.790 --> 00:36:19.610
So dynamically restrictions on
trade can be even worse than

00:36:19.610 --> 00:36:21.140
it looks in this diagram.

00:36:21.140 --> 00:36:25.120
If they cause a trade war you
can actually end up with

00:36:25.120 --> 00:36:27.500
things being even worse than
you look at this diagram.

00:36:27.500 --> 00:36:29.960
So we talked about why
economists like free trade--

00:36:29.960 --> 00:36:31.790
partly so that the gains
to consumers exceed

00:36:31.790 --> 00:36:34.770
the losses to producers.

00:36:34.770 --> 00:36:39.400
But partly it's because free
trade begets free trade.

00:36:39.400 --> 00:36:42.740
And that exports make
us better off too.

00:36:42.740 --> 00:36:45.600
So by allowing free trade not
only do we increase our

00:36:45.600 --> 00:36:48.530
welfare by having more imports,
we also increased our

00:36:48.530 --> 00:36:49.890
welfare by allowing
more exports.

00:36:49.890 --> 00:36:55.120
And in fact, producers as a
class, if they could all get

00:36:55.120 --> 00:36:58.150
together and have a cooperative
equilibrium, they

00:36:58.150 --> 00:37:00.090
might be fine without
restrictions of trade.

00:37:00.090 --> 00:37:01.890
Because the computer producers
and the rose producers get

00:37:01.890 --> 00:37:04.180
together and say, wait a second,
we can trade, on net

00:37:04.180 --> 00:37:05.660
we win from this.

00:37:05.660 --> 00:37:06.750
On net we win from free trade.

00:37:06.750 --> 00:37:09.320
Let's get together
and make a deal.

00:37:09.320 --> 00:37:11.290
But of course we know that's
going to be an incredibly hard

00:37:11.290 --> 00:37:13.250
cooperative equilibrium
to enforce.

00:37:13.250 --> 00:37:15.340
And that's why you have
different sets of producers.

00:37:15.340 --> 00:37:17.610
You have the rose producers
lobbying the congressmen.

00:37:17.610 --> 00:37:19.230
Then they leave and the computer
producers walk in his

00:37:19.230 --> 00:37:21.890
office and lobby him
the other way.

00:37:21.890 --> 00:37:24.760
So you have producers lobbying
for different effects

00:37:24.760 --> 00:37:26.760
depending if they're
competing with

00:37:26.760 --> 00:37:28.180
imports or they're exporting.

00:37:28.180 --> 00:37:29.935
They're going to lobby for and
against trade restrictions.

00:37:33.570 --> 00:37:38.220
Moreover, there's yet another
thing we've missed.

00:37:38.220 --> 00:37:39.800
There's yet another thing
we've missed.

00:37:39.800 --> 00:37:42.720
So we've talked about the
dead weight loss.

00:37:42.720 --> 00:37:44.150
We've talked about trade wars.

00:37:44.150 --> 00:37:45.730
But let's say for a second--
let's think

00:37:45.730 --> 00:37:46.230
about a third thing.

00:37:46.230 --> 00:37:47.380
Let's say for a second
we're not just

00:37:47.380 --> 00:37:48.510
heartless selfish Americans.

00:37:48.510 --> 00:37:51.180
But we actually do care about
the rest of the world.

00:37:51.180 --> 00:37:53.680
Well the third thing we miss
is allowing trade from

00:37:53.680 --> 00:37:56.270
Colombia makes Colombia
better off too.

00:37:58.910 --> 00:38:01.850
So not only have we improved
our welfare by importing

00:38:01.850 --> 00:38:04.750
Colombian roses, we've improved
their welfare too.

00:38:04.750 --> 00:38:05.960
And they're a poor country.

00:38:05.960 --> 00:38:08.660
And we should be happy to
improve their welfare too.

00:38:08.660 --> 00:38:10.420
We think about free
trade in Vietnam.

00:38:10.420 --> 00:38:12.620
That is the application
for child labor.

00:38:12.620 --> 00:38:15.360
By allowing the import of
Vietnamese rice we improved

00:38:15.360 --> 00:38:18.390
the lives of the Vietnamese
children.

00:38:18.390 --> 00:38:20.585
So independent of the fact we've
made our lives better

00:38:20.585 --> 00:38:21.650
off we've made these
other country's

00:38:21.650 --> 00:38:23.780
lives better off too.

00:38:23.780 --> 00:38:26.270
So there's three reasons why
we should have free trade.

00:38:26.270 --> 00:38:28.610
There's the simple welfare
gain, there's the dynamic

00:38:28.610 --> 00:38:30.920
welfare gain, and there's the
fact that we might care about

00:38:30.920 --> 00:38:32.440
the welfare of other
countries as well.

00:38:35.140 --> 00:38:39.200
And as a result, there's been
a huge emphasis over time in

00:38:39.200 --> 00:38:43.550
trying to increase free trade.

00:38:43.550 --> 00:38:45.690
By economists saying this for
years, things going back to

00:38:45.690 --> 00:38:46.990
the early economists.

00:38:46.990 --> 00:38:50.520
But we've made a lot of headway
in the last 20 years.

00:38:50.520 --> 00:38:53.810
And in particular, one big
source of headway was NAFTA--

00:38:56.430 --> 00:38:58.790
The North American Free
Trade Agreement.

00:38:58.790 --> 00:39:00.520
Which was passed
under Clinton.

00:39:00.520 --> 00:39:04.680
Which basically demolished trade
barriers between Canada

00:39:04.680 --> 00:39:06.720
the US and Mexico.

00:39:06.720 --> 00:39:08.050
There used to be a lot
of trade barriers.

00:39:08.050 --> 00:39:10.200
We would tax Canadian lumber.

00:39:10.200 --> 00:39:11.950
They would tax our computers.

00:39:11.950 --> 00:39:15.620
We would tax Mexican whatever
they sent to us.

00:39:15.620 --> 00:39:17.020
They would tax our stuff.

00:39:17.020 --> 00:39:17.880
It was a mess.

00:39:17.880 --> 00:39:21.450
So basically NAFTA said let's
just get rid of all of it.

00:39:21.450 --> 00:39:25.170
Let's have a cooperative
agreement.

00:39:25.170 --> 00:39:29.800
Let's have a cooperative
agreement whereby we all agree

00:39:29.800 --> 00:39:31.570
to get rid of trade barriers and
thereby making all of us

00:39:31.570 --> 00:39:33.500
better off.

00:39:33.500 --> 00:39:35.590
And it seems like it would be
a pretty simple thing to do.

00:39:35.590 --> 00:39:36.970
But it was a mess.

00:39:36.970 --> 00:39:38.370
And it was very hard.

00:39:38.370 --> 00:39:42.270
And it was very hard because now
you had parties in every

00:39:42.270 --> 00:39:44.630
country opposing this.

00:39:44.630 --> 00:39:46.660
You had you had the
Canadian computer

00:39:46.660 --> 00:39:48.250
producers getting upset.

00:39:48.250 --> 00:39:50.340
You had the Mexican computer
producers getting upset.

00:39:50.340 --> 00:39:53.160
You had the US lumber industry
getting upset.

00:39:53.160 --> 00:39:58.030
And you had huge difficulties
because you had parties in

00:39:58.030 --> 00:40:00.950
every case opposing it.

00:40:00.950 --> 00:40:03.560
And the reason free trade
agreements are so difficult--

00:40:03.560 --> 00:40:05.020
now eventually NAFTA did pass.

00:40:05.020 --> 00:40:10.890
And has been by most measures
a huge success.

00:40:10.890 --> 00:40:14.830
But ultimately the major
difficulty here is in another

00:40:14.830 --> 00:40:17.150
failure of government policy.

00:40:17.150 --> 00:40:20.680
Which is the inability of the
government to effectively tax

00:40:20.680 --> 00:40:22.840
the winners and compensate
the losers from

00:40:22.840 --> 00:40:25.260
international trade.

00:40:25.260 --> 00:40:26.550
That is--

00:40:26.550 --> 00:40:29.570
if the government could
work as a perfect--

00:40:29.570 --> 00:40:31.310
in the way that I design
it to work--

00:40:31.310 --> 00:40:35.720
what would happen is that we
would tax sweatshirts and take

00:40:35.720 --> 00:40:38.350
the money from taxing
sweatshirts and send it to

00:40:38.350 --> 00:40:42.970
compensate the guys who lost
jobs in the textile industry.

00:40:42.970 --> 00:40:47.430
And if we did that, we can make
life much better off than

00:40:47.430 --> 00:40:47.920
with the tariff.

00:40:47.920 --> 00:40:48.710
So if consider two outcomes.

00:40:48.710 --> 00:40:52.300
One is we don't import
Chinese sweatshirts.

00:40:52.300 --> 00:40:54.420
The other is that we import them
but we levy a small tax

00:40:54.420 --> 00:40:59.200
on all sweatshirts not just
Chinese lectures.

00:40:59.200 --> 00:41:01.180
Levy a small tax on
all sweatshirts.

00:41:01.180 --> 00:41:03.270
We import Chinese sweatshirts
but then we levy a tax on all

00:41:03.270 --> 00:41:04.360
sweatshirts.

00:41:04.360 --> 00:41:06.770
And we use that sweatshirt tax
money to pay off the guys who

00:41:06.770 --> 00:41:08.940
lost their jobs in the
textile industry.

00:41:08.940 --> 00:41:12.370
That would be better for society
than would not allow

00:41:12.370 --> 00:41:15.150
sweatshirts to come in
in the first place.

00:41:15.150 --> 00:41:18.200
So the fundamental failure in
trade policy ultimately is a

00:41:18.200 --> 00:41:20.850
failure is that inability of the
government to effectively

00:41:20.850 --> 00:41:23.990
compensate the losers by
taxing the winners.

00:41:23.990 --> 00:41:28.620
Because just as the losers know
to go to lobby Congress,

00:41:28.620 --> 00:41:30.780
the winners will get pissed
off if you start taxing

00:41:30.780 --> 00:41:31.570
sweatshirts.

00:41:31.570 --> 00:41:33.210
Because they don't realize that
they're saving all this

00:41:33.210 --> 00:41:36.735
money from all these imports.

00:41:36.735 --> 00:41:38.625
And in fact the typical American
voter would probably

00:41:38.625 --> 00:41:41.430
vote to block Chinese imports
before they'd vote to have a

00:41:41.430 --> 00:41:43.940
tax on their sweatshirts.

00:41:43.940 --> 00:41:47.630
So really in some sense when you
have a very concentrated

00:41:47.630 --> 00:41:51.390
set of winners or losers
competing against a very

00:41:51.390 --> 00:41:53.610
concentrated set of losers,
defeating against a very

00:41:53.610 --> 00:41:59.250
diffuse set of winners, that's a
hard policy to get in place.

00:41:59.250 --> 00:42:01.890
Unless you can figure out a way
to get those winners to

00:42:01.890 --> 00:42:03.630
compensate the losers.

00:42:03.630 --> 00:42:06.040
And that's the tricky thing.

00:42:10.300 --> 00:42:11.770
Are there question about that?

00:42:11.770 --> 00:42:15.920
About free trade agreements,
things like that?

00:42:15.920 --> 00:42:23.360
Now what I want to talk about
for a couple minutes then one

00:42:23.360 --> 00:42:25.400
subtlety in these free
trade agreements.

00:42:25.400 --> 00:42:27.970
And why things like
NAFTA are hard.

00:42:27.970 --> 00:42:30.950
And the reason they're
hard is because this

00:42:30.950 --> 00:42:32.940
makes enormous sense.

00:42:32.940 --> 00:42:35.790
Free trade agreements make
enormous sense if it's true

00:42:35.790 --> 00:42:38.720
comparative advantage like
Canada has more trees.

00:42:38.720 --> 00:42:40.850
But what if Mexico's source of
comparative advantage is that

00:42:40.850 --> 00:42:43.100
they treat their workers
like shit.

00:42:43.100 --> 00:42:45.590
What if China's source of
comparative advantage is that

00:42:45.590 --> 00:42:47.940
they have incredibly bad
working conditions?

00:42:47.940 --> 00:42:50.860
And they have incredibly bad
environmental conditions?

00:42:50.860 --> 00:42:54.610
China has an incredibly bad
environmental situation.

00:42:54.610 --> 00:42:56.260
It is incredibly dangerous
just to live in

00:42:56.260 --> 00:42:58.480
major Chinese cities.

00:42:58.480 --> 00:43:00.250
The working conditions
are awful.

00:43:00.250 --> 00:43:02.690
The wages are terrible.

00:43:02.690 --> 00:43:06.340
Nonetheless, the result is
very, very cheap labor.

00:43:06.340 --> 00:43:09.210
Then things get a
little dicier.

00:43:09.210 --> 00:43:12.140
Because if the Chinese labor was
cheap or Mexican labor was

00:43:12.140 --> 00:43:14.140
cheap just because inherently
that was just

00:43:14.140 --> 00:43:15.520
the way life was.

00:43:15.520 --> 00:43:17.480
At the same working conditions
and the same environmental

00:43:17.480 --> 00:43:19.430
conditions they were just
cheaper, then that's great.

00:43:19.430 --> 00:43:21.110
That's the comparative
advantage.

00:43:21.110 --> 00:43:24.140
But if they're cheap because
they exploit their population

00:43:24.140 --> 00:43:26.030
and put them in horrible working
conditions and facing

00:43:26.030 --> 00:43:28.500
horrible environmental
conditions, then the welfare

00:43:28.500 --> 00:43:29.720
gets a little trickier.

00:43:29.720 --> 00:43:32.400
From the US's prospective it
doesn't get any trickier.

00:43:32.400 --> 00:43:33.630
The US--

00:43:33.630 --> 00:43:35.640
our welfare is exactly
the same.

00:43:35.640 --> 00:43:38.840
We get these static and dynamic
gains from trade.

00:43:38.840 --> 00:43:42.630
But from a world perspective,
now we're maybe not so sure we

00:43:42.630 --> 00:43:45.320
want to promote Mexico producing
more clothes or

00:43:45.320 --> 00:43:46.790
China producing more clothes.

00:43:46.790 --> 00:43:49.130
Because it could just lead to
more exploitation of the

00:43:49.130 --> 00:43:51.430
population.

00:43:51.430 --> 00:43:53.970
So this comes back to when I
talked about free trade in

00:43:53.970 --> 00:43:55.880
Vietnam and child labor.

00:43:55.880 --> 00:43:58.850
Which is if free trade actually
let to an increased

00:43:58.850 --> 00:44:02.120
use of child labor in Vietnam we
might worry that gee maybe

00:44:02.120 --> 00:44:04.570
this isn't such a good thing.

00:44:04.570 --> 00:44:06.790
So really what it comes down
to is we have to think not

00:44:06.790 --> 00:44:09.930
just about the simple
dead weight loss

00:44:09.930 --> 00:44:11.480
triangles and squares.

00:44:11.480 --> 00:44:13.950
We have to think about some
broader social issues as well.

00:44:13.950 --> 00:44:15.630
And once again there is
a right answer here.

00:44:15.630 --> 00:44:17.790
And this is what a lot was
fought over with NAFTA.

00:44:17.790 --> 00:44:21.440
Which is one of the conditions
for NAFTA was the US actually

00:44:21.440 --> 00:44:23.920
lobbied and got significantly
improved work and

00:44:23.920 --> 00:44:26.240
environmental standards
in Mexico.

00:44:26.240 --> 00:44:28.430
This was like an opposite
of a trade war.

00:44:28.430 --> 00:44:30.230
Instead of being a vicious
cycle, this

00:44:30.230 --> 00:44:31.550
was a virtuous cycle.

00:44:31.550 --> 00:44:34.870
We actually improved the life
for workers in Mexico because

00:44:34.870 --> 00:44:38.300
Mexico is willing to do that in
order to get the benefits

00:44:38.300 --> 00:44:40.170
of trade with the US.

00:44:40.170 --> 00:44:46.940
So just like limiting trade with
Mexico will hurt us and

00:44:46.940 --> 00:44:51.280
hurt Mexico, expanding trade
with Mexico and then tying it

00:44:51.280 --> 00:44:54.050
to improve work conditions and
environmental conditions can

00:44:54.050 --> 00:44:56.790
make both countries really
much better off.

00:44:56.790 --> 00:44:59.150
And so that's where, once again,
trade becomes very

00:44:59.150 --> 00:44:59.590
interesting.

00:44:59.590 --> 00:45:01.180
And why it's worth
studying further.

00:45:01.180 --> 00:45:03.730
Because it's not as simple
as these boxes.

00:45:03.730 --> 00:45:05.220
It's thinking about
where comparative

00:45:05.220 --> 00:45:06.540
advantage comes from.

00:45:06.540 --> 00:45:08.770
And whether we really want to
promote trade with countries

00:45:08.770 --> 00:45:10.570
that have comparative advantage
depending on the

00:45:10.570 --> 00:45:12.820
source of what that comparative
advantage is.

00:45:12.820 --> 00:45:13.650
And that's sort of
the free trade

00:45:13.650 --> 00:45:15.280
versus fair trade argument.

00:45:15.280 --> 00:45:16.590
The bottom line in
that argument--

00:45:16.590 --> 00:45:18.530
the free trade versus fair trade
argument-- the bottom

00:45:18.530 --> 00:45:22.390
line is free trade is
always a good thing.

00:45:22.390 --> 00:45:26.170
But fair trade considerations
can be used to try to make it

00:45:26.170 --> 00:45:31.060
work better than just simply
unfettered free trade.

00:45:31.060 --> 00:45:33.730
And so really both sides have
a point in this debate.

00:45:33.730 --> 00:45:37.200
So let me stop there.

00:45:37.200 --> 00:45:37.720
That's international trade.

00:45:37.720 --> 00:45:39.890
We're going to come back on
Wednesday to talk about

00:45:39.890 --> 00:45:41.240
uncertainty and whether you
should play the lottery.