WEBVTT

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[SQUEAKING]

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[RUSTLING]

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[CLICKING]

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FRANK SCHILBACH: All right.

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Welcome, everyone, to
lecture 13 of 14.13.

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This is my last lecture
on social preferences.

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I hope all of you are
doing fine remotely.

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Hang in there.

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I know this is a
very difficult time.

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This lecture is a bit of
a more uplifting lecture

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than the previous ones.

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While the previous ones have
looked at social preferences,

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how we can measure
social preferences,

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and how can we perhaps
isolate pure altruism--

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do people really want others to
be better for their own sake,

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even if nobody knows about
it, either others or whether

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there's no feedback--

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we sort of found out that like
it seems like what looks a lot

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like altruism-- people
are nice to each other--

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is not pure altruism
in the sense

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that like they really
want others to do well.

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Instead, they want to either
look good in front of others,

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or they're worried about
reciprocity or sort

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of any other negative
feedback from others,

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or it might be they might want
to protect their self-image.

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They want to look good
in front of themselves

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and they try to figure out
ways to deceive themselves

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that they're nice.

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And given the opportunity
to not be nice,

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people actually
seem to be not as

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nice as one might think
from pure dictator games

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or ultimatum games
that we observe.

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This lecture is a bit more
uplifting in the sense

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that it talks about field
evidence on social preferences,

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and in particular you
can ask the question

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about can policies increase
pro-sociology in certain ways.

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We're going to talk about
three broad sets of studies.

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First, we're going to talk
about social preferences

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at the workplace.

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I'm going to talk about
the impact of relative pay

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on productivity.

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We talked about this
last time at the end

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of the lecture a
little bit, but I'm

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going to just restart from
scratch to sort of explain

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that a little bit better.

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Then we're going to
talk about the morale

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effects of pay inequality.

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What happens to
worker inequality

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when people are paid unequally,
and is that a good idea?

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There's also a very nice
paper in ethnic divisions

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and production in firms.

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We're going to talk about this
a little bit in recitation.

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Number two-- we're going to
talk about whether policies

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can induce pro-sociality.

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In particular we're
going to focus on mixing.

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This is sort of called
the contact hypothesis.

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When you mix people from
different backgrounds,

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do they become nicer to
each other in various ways?

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You'll discuss a very
nice paper by Gautam Rao

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when mixing rich and
poor children in school.

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And I talk very briefly about
mixing cricket players in India

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to reduce tensions across
castes or make people

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from different castes perhaps
more prosocial to each other.

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And then I'm going to
also briefly mention

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a study on mixing roommates
in college by Corno et al.

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Finally, we're
going to talk about

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whether people
perhaps underestimate

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the benefits of prosociality.

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In particular, I'm
going to show you

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a study on people
undervaluing gratitude.

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So when people write
letters of gratitude,

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do they understand how
others might react,

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and is there perhaps some
evidence that people are not

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prosocial enough because they
misunderstand the effects

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that that might have on others?

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OK, so let me start with social
preferences at the workplace.

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So Bandiera et al.
is a very nice study

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that looks at the impact of
relative pay on productivity.

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This is field evidence from
the fruit farm in the UK.

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It's literally field
evidence because it's

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from fruit-picking
farms from fruit fields.

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The study looks at two
types of payment schemes.

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These are piece rates--

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workers are paid
per unit of output.

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And the second scheme is
relative pay-- workers

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are paid relative to others.

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We might think that
relative pay is a good way

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to incentivize workers
because you want to do better

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than your neighbor, and there's
a computation of who does best.

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And in principle, it
could be that that,

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really, if you only care
about yourself, that really

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gets people to work very hard.

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Now, what Bandiera
et al. look at

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is, how does the
introduction of relative pay

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affect workers'
effort and output?

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Now, one thing to notice is that
while relative incentives might

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be good because you might induce
people to want to be better

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than their neighbors
or their co-workers,

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there's also a negative
externality of relative pay.

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That is the idea that
increasing your own pay

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comes at the costs
of others pay.

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That is to say, if
there's relative pay

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and I work really
hard, I'm paid how

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I do relative to my friends or
others that I'm working with.

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Well, if I'm working really hard
and do better than my friends,

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I'm going to be paid more.

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But at the same time, for
any effort that I put in,

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my friends are going
to be paid less.

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And so workers anticipating
these impacts on others

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might reduce their effort
if they care about others.

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If I'm really worried about
if there's relative pay

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and I work really hard, my
friends are going to look bad.

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They're going to be
relatively unproductive,

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and I worry that they
might not be paid enough.

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Then I might reduce my effort.

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And then everybody
might do that,

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and then the introduction
of relative pay

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or the relative pay
schemes might actually not

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be particularly effective or an
effective way of incentivizing

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and motivating workers.

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So there's sort of this tension
that relative pay in principle

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could work quite well.

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But if people really
care a lot about others,

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then it might not work at all.

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It might actually
backfire in some ways.

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Notice that it could be either
that people care about others

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for their own sake in the
sense that you might care

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about them because you want
them to have high earnings,

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or you might care
about others' earnings,

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not because you actually care
about the outcomes per se,

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but rather because
you're worried

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about negative repercussions.

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If these are your friends
and you work really hard,

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well, at nights, your friends
might really not be happy,

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and there might be retribution
against you socially

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or in some other ways if you
work too hard, if you caused

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them their earnings to go down.

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OK, so now, what
does this paper do?

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It looks at how does
switching to piece rates

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affect people's productivity?

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So the study has personnel data
from a food farm in the UK.

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They measure productivity as a
function of their compensation

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scheme.

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This is a quasi-field
experiment.

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The timeline is as follows.

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For the first eight weeks
of the 2002 picking season,

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fruit pickers were compensated
on a relative performance

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scheme.

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So the per fruit piece
rate is decreasing

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in average productivity.

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So if everybody
works really hard

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and I don't, if I'm relatively
bad compared to others,

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I get less than others.

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This is an incentive,
as I discussed,

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to keep the productivity low
if you care about others.

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And then in the
next eight weeks,

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compensation will switch to
a flat piece rate per fruit.

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So that's essentially
just you're

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paid by however how
much you produce,

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how many kilograms
of fruit you collect.

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And the payment is entirely
disjoint or independent of what

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other people do.

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That's a classic
piece rate payment.

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So the externalities
are entirely shut down.

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If I work really hard,
I'm going to be paid.

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There's no effect whatsoever
on my fellow workers.

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The switch was announced on
the day the change took place,

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so it came as a
surprise to workers.

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So we should not be
worried about sort

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of pre-trends or productivity
going up over time anyway.

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Now, what the paper finds
is a dramatic increase

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in productivity with the
introduction of piece rates.

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That is to say what you
see here in the figure

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is the average worker
productivity for two

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of the fields-- so
that's essentially

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like broad, big fields
where people work on,

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and I'm showing you
the data for two

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of those fields, for which,
essentially, on most days,

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there was actually production
workers were picking fruit.

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What you see on the left side
of the graph is when people were

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working under relative pay,
there you see, essentially,

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relatively flat productivity.

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People picked about
5 kilograms per hour.

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There doesn't seem to be
any trend upwards over time.

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So before the new
policy was introduced,

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essentially, workers
were producing or picking

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their fruit at a relatively
constant rate over time,

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about 5 kilograms per hour.

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There was no trends, as I said.

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Now, you see the vertical
line in the middle.

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This is when piece rates
were, in fact, introduced.

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So there was no
relative pay anymore,

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and now people were
paid by piece rate.

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And that increased
productivity by over 50%.

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So workers became a lot
more productive after that.

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That's true for both
of those fields.

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It is not the case that
the average payment

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per unit of output per kilogram
of fruit paid was actually

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was going up.

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So you might say, well, if
the piece rate was actually

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higher under the
piece rate payments

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on the right side of the
screen, of the graph,

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then maybe workers would
just be more productive.

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But in fact, if you
look at the piece rate

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over time, if anything,
the piece rates

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actually went down over time
what the company was paying.

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So that is to say,
the introduction

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of those piece rates,
the productivity effect

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is not explained
by workers being

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paid more per unit of output.

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Instead it seems
to be really coming

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from the different incentives
people workers have

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when it comes to how
their productivity affects

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their fellow workers
on the field.

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Now, you might have two
potential explanations

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here for this evidence.

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One is social preferences.

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So you might work
less to help others

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under relative incentives, even
less when your friends benefit.

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You have many friends
on a certain field

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that work with you.

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Well, then you might be
particularly inclined

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to not work very hard because
you care a lot more for them.

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And this is exactly what
they find in this paper.

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These effects are
stronger when there

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are more friends on the field
for a particular worker.

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Second, however, it's
also like a repeated game.

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That is to say, there's
a low effort equilibrium,

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where, essentially,
if there relative pay,

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we can just all agree
everybody on the field

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might agree that not
working particularly hard

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is a good idea because
we are essentially

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paid relatively anyway.

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So if everybody
doubles their effort,

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nothing is going to happen
to a worker's compensation.

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So you might as well just
decide everybody could just

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decide work half
as hard, and you're

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going to be paid the same.

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And as long as we can
sustain that equilibrium,

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that's a good idea.

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Of course, in any given
period, any given worker

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might have the incentive to
deviate from this equilibrium

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because on any given day,
if you work really hard,

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you're going to be paid
a lot more for that day.

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And so how might we be
able to disentangle that?

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Well, what Bandiera et al.

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have is they have also
some variation in the types

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of fruits that were collected.

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What do I mean by that?

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Well, if you think
about what you

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need to be able to disentangle
these, what you might want

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to have is differences in the
observability of effort, right?

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So if I can see what
my co-worker does,

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I can punish them
very effectively.

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I can just know whenever
Frank is working really hard,

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my co-workers might
want to punish me.

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And then it's very hard
for me to work really hard

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because I'm getting
in trouble at nights

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after work with my co-workers.

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Or in the next day, everybody
might also work really hard,

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and I don't want that.

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On the other hand, if I can
hide how hard I'm working,

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well then, I might
secretly work really hard,

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and my co-workers might
not even find out.

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So then, if that's the case, in
the repeated game equilibrium

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might just not be enforceable,
as in I might just

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tell my friends, oh, I
wasn't really working hard.

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But in fact, I was.

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And they have no way of finding
out because I was unobservable.

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If, instead, I really
care about them,

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if I'm really interested
in their well-being

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overall and their
payment, it doesn't

00:13:06.600 --> 00:13:08.730
matter whether my
effort is observable.

00:13:08.730 --> 00:13:10.860
Regardless of how
observable my effort is,

00:13:10.860 --> 00:13:13.440
I will not work very
hard because not working

00:13:13.440 --> 00:13:15.430
hard makes them better off.

00:13:15.430 --> 00:13:18.420
So if you just had some
differences in observability

00:13:18.420 --> 00:13:21.165
in effort, how hard
people work, we

00:13:21.165 --> 00:13:25.260
could just disentangle
these two explanations.

00:13:25.260 --> 00:13:27.435
So Bandiera et al. have
this very nice variation.

00:13:27.435 --> 00:13:29.760
They have two fruits
there, fruit type

00:13:29.760 --> 00:13:31.770
1, which are
strawberries, and they

00:13:31.770 --> 00:13:34.620
have fruit of type 2,
which are raspberries.

00:13:34.620 --> 00:13:36.870
If you ever have
picked strawberries,

00:13:36.870 --> 00:13:39.270
you would know that
strawberries is very easy.

00:13:39.270 --> 00:13:43.800
These are essentially
very flat and low fruit

00:13:43.800 --> 00:13:45.810
that when somebody
picks strawberries,

00:13:45.810 --> 00:13:48.330
it's very easy to see
how fast somebody works,

00:13:48.330 --> 00:13:51.300
how much anybody picks and
so on because you can just

00:13:51.300 --> 00:13:52.650
see across the entire field.

00:13:52.650 --> 00:13:56.010
You can see essentially what
all of your coworkers are doing.

00:13:56.010 --> 00:14:00.930
In contrast, if you look at
raspberries, these are bushes.

00:14:00.930 --> 00:14:04.860
So you can essentially literally
hide behind the bushes and work

00:14:04.860 --> 00:14:08.250
really hard to pick
really hard and fast

00:14:08.250 --> 00:14:09.870
without others noticing.

00:14:09.870 --> 00:14:13.440
So essentially, productivity
is at least more unobserved

00:14:13.440 --> 00:14:15.780
than for strawberries.

00:14:15.780 --> 00:14:17.380
Now, what Bandiera
et al. then find,

00:14:17.380 --> 00:14:21.750
in fact, is no impact of the
piece rate on fruits of type 2,

00:14:21.750 --> 00:14:23.770
which is raspberries.

00:14:23.770 --> 00:14:27.960
So that suggests there is no
evidence of pure altruism,

00:14:27.960 --> 00:14:32.340
and the effects, perhaps,
could be driven by reciprocity.

00:14:32.340 --> 00:14:34.980
This is consistent with
what we had found before.

00:14:34.980 --> 00:14:37.260
When you remember the
dictator ultimatum games

00:14:37.260 --> 00:14:40.740
that we showed you, it looked a
lot like people are altruistic.

00:14:40.740 --> 00:14:42.060
They care about others.

00:14:42.060 --> 00:14:44.820
But when you look at
their actual motives,

00:14:44.820 --> 00:14:46.830
when you dig a little
deeper, we find out that,

00:14:46.830 --> 00:14:50.640
in fact, this is driven by
reciprocity, or by worries

00:14:50.640 --> 00:14:53.940
about repeated game effects,
or worries about essentially

00:14:53.940 --> 00:14:57.450
just retribution, either on the
field that other people will

00:14:57.450 --> 00:14:59.790
work also really hard if
I work really hard right

00:14:59.790 --> 00:15:03.360
now, or socially after
work, my coworkers

00:15:03.360 --> 00:15:04.635
might be really mean to me.

00:15:04.635 --> 00:15:06.510
They might even beat me
up, or they might not

00:15:06.510 --> 00:15:10.260
be my friends anymore.

00:15:10.260 --> 00:15:12.840
Here is regression tables
that show you this.

00:15:12.840 --> 00:15:16.350
The first column,
you see fruit type 2.

00:15:16.350 --> 00:15:17.820
Again, these are
the raspberries.

00:15:17.820 --> 00:15:20.700
This is when things
are unobserved.

00:15:20.700 --> 00:15:23.130
There's no effective
introducing the piece rate.

00:15:23.130 --> 00:15:27.120
In contrast, if you look at
column 2, this is fruit type 1.

00:15:27.120 --> 00:15:29.850
These are strawberries, and
there's large productivity

00:15:29.850 --> 00:15:33.600
effects of strawberries there.

00:15:33.600 --> 00:15:36.120
So these results, again,
highlight the importance

00:15:36.120 --> 00:15:39.060
of setting the
incentives carefully.

00:15:39.060 --> 00:15:40.800
Small details matter,
and you really

00:15:40.800 --> 00:15:42.660
want to be very
careful in how you

00:15:42.660 --> 00:15:45.720
said relative incentives
that in principle seemed

00:15:45.720 --> 00:15:47.520
like a good idea
because they provide

00:15:47.520 --> 00:15:51.900
steep incentives to workers, but
in practice might actually not

00:15:51.900 --> 00:15:54.300
work particularly well.

00:15:57.490 --> 00:15:59.530
OK, so the second paper
we're going to look at

00:15:59.530 --> 00:16:00.370
is Breza et al.

00:16:00.370 --> 00:16:03.190
These are the morale
effects of pay inequality.

00:16:03.190 --> 00:16:06.790
This is a very nice randomized
field experiment in rural India

00:16:06.790 --> 00:16:09.520
with low-skill
manufacturing workers.

00:16:09.520 --> 00:16:12.700
The question the authors
ask is do workers

00:16:12.700 --> 00:16:14.920
care about relative pay?

00:16:14.920 --> 00:16:19.720
And perhaps why do we see
so little variation in pay

00:16:19.720 --> 00:16:20.440
across settings?

00:16:20.440 --> 00:16:23.350
So what we often see in
many companies in India,

00:16:23.350 --> 00:16:27.940
but also in other places, also
in certain villages in India,

00:16:27.940 --> 00:16:31.070
what we see is wages tend
to be very compressed.

00:16:31.070 --> 00:16:34.480
So workers essentially
earn the exact same wage,

00:16:34.480 --> 00:16:38.650
regardless of their underlying
productivity, experience,

00:16:38.650 --> 00:16:39.520
and so on.

00:16:39.520 --> 00:16:43.000
Good and bad
workers tend to earn

00:16:43.000 --> 00:16:47.140
exactly the same amount
of money for per day

00:16:47.140 --> 00:16:49.270
or per hour and the like.

00:16:49.270 --> 00:16:50.890
Economists think
that's inefficient

00:16:50.890 --> 00:16:52.450
because if you want
to hire somebody

00:16:52.450 --> 00:16:53.950
who's really, really
productive, you

00:16:53.950 --> 00:16:55.930
might want to pay them more.

00:16:55.930 --> 00:16:58.330
If you want to hire somebody
who is not that productive,

00:16:58.330 --> 00:16:59.670
you might want to pay them less.

00:16:59.670 --> 00:17:02.170
You might actually want to pay
them less than the prevailing

00:17:02.170 --> 00:17:04.270
wage, but you might
not be able to do

00:17:04.270 --> 00:17:07.970
so because the norm is that you
have to pay them the prevailing

00:17:07.970 --> 00:17:08.470
wage.

00:17:08.470 --> 00:17:10.960
And then you might end up
not hiring that person,

00:17:10.960 --> 00:17:13.329
and that person might
end up being unemployed,

00:17:13.329 --> 00:17:16.599
even though you would be
very happy to pay them

00:17:16.599 --> 00:17:18.280
at a lower wage.

00:17:18.280 --> 00:17:20.780
This is a really
relevant question.

00:17:20.780 --> 00:17:22.569
Sorry, the second
question the authors ask

00:17:22.569 --> 00:17:26.260
is what is the notion of the
underlying notion of fairness?

00:17:26.260 --> 00:17:28.900
What is fair and
what's not fair?

00:17:28.900 --> 00:17:32.860
As in if there is wage
dispersion across workers

00:17:32.860 --> 00:17:37.060
within teams or within a certain
firm, under some circumstances

00:17:37.060 --> 00:17:38.385
under which that's OK to do?

00:17:38.385 --> 00:17:39.760
Are there some
good justification

00:17:39.760 --> 00:17:47.380
that workers are OK with, or
is it just always bad to do so?

00:17:47.380 --> 00:17:51.340
So can we find some situation
under which it's justified

00:17:51.340 --> 00:17:54.730
for workers or not, or is it
just like we cannot pay have

00:17:54.730 --> 00:17:57.760
pay inequality under any
circumstances in those kinds

00:17:57.760 --> 00:17:59.000
of firms?

00:17:59.000 --> 00:18:00.580
This is potentially
quite relevant

00:18:00.580 --> 00:18:03.170
for many features
of the labor market.

00:18:03.170 --> 00:18:05.170
It might explain
wage compression.

00:18:05.170 --> 00:18:06.670
That's what I'm
saying, like wages

00:18:06.670 --> 00:18:09.460
tend to be fairly compressed,
even if productivity is fairly

00:18:09.460 --> 00:18:11.500
dispersed across workers.

00:18:11.500 --> 00:18:13.450
There tends to be
lots of wage rigidity.

00:18:13.450 --> 00:18:17.170
Wages tend to not
move very much.

00:18:17.170 --> 00:18:20.500
Employers have trouble
adjusting wages,

00:18:20.500 --> 00:18:23.080
or they are reluctant to
adjust people's wages much,

00:18:23.080 --> 00:18:25.520
in particular when it comes
to like downward rigidity.

00:18:25.520 --> 00:18:26.895
We talked about
this a little bit

00:18:26.895 --> 00:18:31.120
already when we talked
about reference dependence.

00:18:31.120 --> 00:18:33.460
This can help us think about
like sorting of workers

00:18:33.460 --> 00:18:35.830
into firms and inequality.

00:18:35.830 --> 00:18:37.950
We can think about firm
boundaries in a sense

00:18:37.950 --> 00:18:41.680
and say should they
be really large firms

00:18:41.680 --> 00:18:43.420
or a number of small firms?

00:18:43.420 --> 00:18:48.070
If you think the relative
comparison is across workers

00:18:48.070 --> 00:18:50.380
within firms, that would
say, well, we should probably

00:18:50.380 --> 00:18:52.233
have a lot of small firms.

00:18:52.233 --> 00:18:53.650
And then each of
these small firms

00:18:53.650 --> 00:18:55.510
could have different
wages, as opposed

00:18:55.510 --> 00:18:58.360
to one large firm where
essentially everybody has to be

00:18:58.360 --> 00:19:00.377
paid more or less the same.

00:19:00.377 --> 00:19:02.710
And we might think that's
inefficient because as returns

00:19:02.710 --> 00:19:05.500
to scale of having a large firm.

00:19:05.500 --> 00:19:08.350
Think about it is also
relevant for some HR policies

00:19:08.350 --> 00:19:10.810
in terms of how do
you pay workers,

00:19:10.810 --> 00:19:13.130
how do you set wages, and so on.

00:19:13.130 --> 00:19:15.970
So as motivation in
the study, the authors

00:19:15.970 --> 00:19:19.460
ask people the
following questions.

00:19:19.460 --> 00:19:21.850
The questions are the following.

00:19:21.850 --> 00:19:29.080
This is rural India in Rissa, a
relatively poor area with lots

00:19:29.080 --> 00:19:31.600
of small-scale manufacturing.

00:19:31.600 --> 00:19:33.430
The question is three
people from a village

00:19:33.430 --> 00:19:36.760
get hired to work on a
construction site together.

00:19:36.760 --> 00:19:39.940
The prevailing
wage is 250 rupees.

00:19:39.940 --> 00:19:42.010
That's the standard
wage in the village.

00:19:42.010 --> 00:19:43.960
Each village tends to
have like a prevailing

00:19:43.960 --> 00:19:46.780
wage, which is how much
people are paid usually.

00:19:46.780 --> 00:19:51.460
The contractor pays
them 250 rupees per day.

00:19:51.460 --> 00:19:53.920
How well will they
work together?

00:19:53.920 --> 00:19:56.050
And what you see is what
respondents tend to say

00:19:56.050 --> 00:20:01.810
is 80% of respondents say people
worked very well together.

00:20:01.810 --> 00:20:06.650
20% say as well as usual, and
0% say there will be conflict.

00:20:06.650 --> 00:20:08.620
So that's seems like
paying everybody

00:20:08.620 --> 00:20:11.540
the same is the socially
acceptable thing to do.

00:20:11.540 --> 00:20:14.260
Everybody seems happy with that.

00:20:14.260 --> 00:20:16.430
In contrast, if you
ask the following,

00:20:16.430 --> 00:20:19.420
which is the contractor
pays them different wages.

00:20:19.420 --> 00:20:23.890
If the contractor pays
250 per day, 270 per day,

00:20:23.890 --> 00:20:28.790
and 290 per day, how well
will they work together?

00:20:28.790 --> 00:20:32.260
And so now, what
you see here is when

00:20:32.260 --> 00:20:37.180
there is differences
across pay, 94% of workers

00:20:37.180 --> 00:20:40.893
say there will be conflict.

00:20:40.893 --> 00:20:42.560
Listen, in this version
of the question,

00:20:42.560 --> 00:20:45.850
it doesn't specify whether
that's due with underlying

00:20:45.850 --> 00:20:47.000
productivity differences.

00:20:47.000 --> 00:20:50.060
So why is it that some workers
are paid different than others?

00:20:50.060 --> 00:20:52.690
However, it's very strong
suggestive evidence

00:20:52.690 --> 00:20:55.720
that workers might
be really unhappy,

00:20:55.720 --> 00:20:59.320
and there will be
conflict across workers

00:20:59.320 --> 00:21:03.340
if they're paid different
wages in the same kind of team,

00:21:03.340 --> 00:21:06.700
or at least on the
same construction site.

00:21:06.700 --> 00:21:08.840
And then, of course,
if you're an employer,

00:21:08.840 --> 00:21:13.240
you might be quite worried about
paying people different wages

00:21:13.240 --> 00:21:14.410
because of this conflict.

00:21:14.410 --> 00:21:17.770
Presumably, workers will not
work or collaborate as well

00:21:17.770 --> 00:21:20.500
as they could potentially.

00:21:20.500 --> 00:21:23.920
OK, so now the authors set up
a very nice field experiment

00:21:23.920 --> 00:21:25.070
that looks like this.

00:21:25.070 --> 00:21:30.850
So there's 10 production units
of 3 workers in each factory.

00:21:30.850 --> 00:21:35.470
So think of factories like work
sites, factories in quotation

00:21:35.470 --> 00:21:37.360
marks because it's
really not just a factory

00:21:37.360 --> 00:21:38.860
as you might imagine it.

00:21:38.860 --> 00:21:41.410
It's really like a small work
site, an office where people

00:21:41.410 --> 00:21:43.720
are working in different areas.

00:21:43.720 --> 00:21:45.670
There's 10 units
of 3 workers each,

00:21:45.670 --> 00:21:47.350
so it's not a huge office.

00:21:47.350 --> 00:21:51.920
Each unit of three workers
produces different products.

00:21:51.920 --> 00:21:54.700
So each unit has one product.

00:21:54.700 --> 00:21:56.650
For example, unit
1 makes brooms.

00:21:56.650 --> 00:21:59.140
Unit 2 makes incense sticks.

00:21:59.140 --> 00:22:03.000
Unit 3 makes leaf
plates, and so on.

00:22:03.000 --> 00:22:06.442
So each unit has one
item of production.

00:22:06.442 --> 00:22:07.900
Now, why are there
different units?

00:22:07.900 --> 00:22:09.430
It's essentially
to separate workers

00:22:09.430 --> 00:22:11.290
into different lines of work.

00:22:11.290 --> 00:22:13.390
So what we're going to
expect is that workers

00:22:13.390 --> 00:22:15.700
are going to compare
each other within unit,

00:22:15.700 --> 00:22:20.200
but not so much across units
because if I make brooms

00:22:20.200 --> 00:22:22.040
and you make incense
sticks, that's

00:22:22.040 --> 00:22:24.088
very different
work in some ways.

00:22:24.088 --> 00:22:25.630
But if you make the
exact same thing,

00:22:25.630 --> 00:22:27.910
the natural comparison
now for workers

00:22:27.910 --> 00:22:30.640
to compare yourself
with another worker.

00:22:30.640 --> 00:22:34.180
All unit members, so
everybody in a given unit,

00:22:34.180 --> 00:22:35.930
makes the exact same product.

00:22:35.930 --> 00:22:40.810
So everybody in unit 1, who is
three workers, makes brooms.

00:22:40.810 --> 00:22:44.390
Everybody in unit 2 makes
incense sticks, and so on.

00:22:44.390 --> 00:22:47.980
Now the key experimental
variation in the experiment

00:22:47.980 --> 00:22:52.900
is weight dispersion across
workers within teams.

00:22:52.900 --> 00:22:56.290
Finally, there's also-- and I'll
get back to that at the end--

00:22:56.290 --> 00:23:02.000
production tasks vary in their
observability of performance.

00:23:02.000 --> 00:23:04.300
So that is to say for
some tasks it just

00:23:04.300 --> 00:23:07.240
happens to be that
it's much easier

00:23:07.240 --> 00:23:10.150
to understand how productive
your co-worker is than

00:23:10.150 --> 00:23:12.430
in other tasks.

00:23:12.430 --> 00:23:17.050
OK, so now what is the
variation in relative pay.

00:23:17.050 --> 00:23:23.920
So here you see people are paid
depending on their worker rank.

00:23:23.920 --> 00:23:26.260
There's four different
regimes of pay

00:23:26.260 --> 00:23:28.990
in the different
columns, heterogeneous,

00:23:28.990 --> 00:23:32.950
compressed L, compressed M,
and compressed H. Workers

00:23:32.950 --> 00:23:33.753
are sorted.

00:23:33.753 --> 00:23:35.170
So there's a
baseline period where

00:23:35.170 --> 00:23:38.380
workers who work for a
few days, and the few days

00:23:38.380 --> 00:23:41.260
are used to assess their
baseline productivity.

00:23:41.260 --> 00:23:44.560
They're ranked into
three turnstyles,

00:23:44.560 --> 00:23:46.420
so there's like the
low productive workers,

00:23:46.420 --> 00:23:49.060
median productivity, and
high productivity workers.

00:23:49.060 --> 00:23:51.160
They're ranked essentially
based on how well they

00:23:51.160 --> 00:23:52.570
did at baseline.

00:23:52.570 --> 00:23:54.755
OK, so if you're like
really bad at the start,

00:23:54.755 --> 00:23:56.380
you would be a low
productivity worker.

00:23:56.380 --> 00:23:57.760
If you're like an
average worker,

00:23:57.760 --> 00:23:59.325
you would be median
productivity.

00:23:59.325 --> 00:24:01.450
And if you're really like
highly productive worker,

00:24:01.450 --> 00:24:06.280
you would be classified as
high productivity workers.

00:24:06.280 --> 00:24:08.780
Notice that's always done for
all of the different treatment

00:24:08.780 --> 00:24:09.530
groups.

00:24:09.530 --> 00:24:13.640
The difference now is across
these different regimes

00:24:13.640 --> 00:24:15.530
how workers are paid.

00:24:15.530 --> 00:24:19.280
In their heterogeneous
pay essentially, there's

00:24:19.280 --> 00:24:22.790
differences in cross
workers in the sense

00:24:22.790 --> 00:24:27.830
of like the low productivity
workers are paid low wage,

00:24:27.830 --> 00:24:29.570
the median productivity
paid workers

00:24:29.570 --> 00:24:32.990
are paid the median weight, and
the high productivity workers

00:24:32.990 --> 00:24:34.178
are paid the high wage.

00:24:34.178 --> 00:24:36.470
As you might expect, that's,
sort of, the natural thing

00:24:36.470 --> 00:24:39.590
to do in terms if wanted
more productivity, the most

00:24:39.590 --> 00:24:43.220
productive workers you're
going to pay the most.

00:24:43.220 --> 00:24:46.130
Notice that these wage
differences are modest.

00:24:46.130 --> 00:24:48.140
Even like the
difference between W

00:24:48.140 --> 00:24:54.472
high and W low are like
only about like up to 10%.

00:24:54.472 --> 00:24:56.180
So really these are
not huge differences.

00:24:56.180 --> 00:24:58.680
It's not that the other guy if
you are like low productivity

00:24:58.680 --> 00:25:01.870
worker if you get W low,
it's not the other guy

00:25:01.870 --> 00:25:03.120
gets like twice as much.

00:25:03.120 --> 00:25:06.350
It really is like modestly
more, but it is more money

00:25:06.350 --> 00:25:07.580
that they get.

00:25:07.580 --> 00:25:10.790
Now then if you look at the
other three regimes, compressed

00:25:10.790 --> 00:25:15.140
L, compressed M, and compressed
H, low productivity-- so

00:25:15.140 --> 00:25:18.980
in compressed L, everybody gets
to low wage, in compressed M,

00:25:18.980 --> 00:25:22.040
everybody gets the minimum
wage, and in compressed H,

00:25:22.040 --> 00:25:24.260
everybody gets the high wage.

00:25:24.260 --> 00:25:26.510
And now the study
now lets the authors

00:25:26.510 --> 00:25:31.100
compare the different
columns for holding exactly

00:25:31.100 --> 00:25:34.820
constant baseline
productivity and wage levels.

00:25:34.820 --> 00:25:39.800
That is to say, for instance, we
can compare the heterogeneous--

00:25:39.800 --> 00:25:41.810
the low productivity
workers that

00:25:41.810 --> 00:25:44.600
happen to be randomized
into like the heterogeneous

00:25:44.600 --> 00:25:49.130
treatment, they receive
W low or compare them

00:25:49.130 --> 00:25:51.530
with like low productivity
workers at baseline who

00:25:51.530 --> 00:25:54.530
happen to be randomized
into a compressed L.

00:25:54.530 --> 00:25:56.240
So I should have
said more clearly

00:25:56.240 --> 00:25:59.750
people are randomized into
any of these four groups,

00:25:59.750 --> 00:26:02.570
and then depending on what
your baseline productivity is

00:26:02.570 --> 00:26:05.970
you get the wages as I
show here in the table.

00:26:05.970 --> 00:26:08.780
So for example, if you are
like a low productivity worker,

00:26:08.780 --> 00:26:13.670
you might be randomized into the
heterogeneous treatment group.

00:26:13.670 --> 00:26:16.130
You might receive
W low, or you might

00:26:16.130 --> 00:26:18.260
be randomized into the low--

00:26:18.260 --> 00:26:23.150
compressed, low treatment
where you also receive W low.

00:26:23.150 --> 00:26:25.760
Notice that in both
cases, that worker

00:26:25.760 --> 00:26:28.100
is a low productivity worker.

00:26:28.100 --> 00:26:31.430
In both cases, the
worker receives W low.

00:26:31.430 --> 00:26:34.850
However, what's different here
now is that his co-worker--

00:26:34.850 --> 00:26:36.230
his or her--

00:26:36.230 --> 00:26:38.060
in this case,
these are all men--

00:26:38.060 --> 00:26:41.210
co-workers are receiving
either the same, which

00:26:41.210 --> 00:26:44.900
is in compressed L, or
they receive higher wages

00:26:44.900 --> 00:26:49.020
in the heterogeneous
weight treatment, right.

00:26:49.020 --> 00:26:50.720
So now we can look
at workers who

00:26:50.720 --> 00:26:53.000
have the exact same baseline
productivity on average

00:26:53.000 --> 00:26:56.330
at least and have the exact same
weight, but what's being varied

00:26:56.330 --> 00:26:58.700
is like how much other
workers are earning.

00:26:58.700 --> 00:27:01.698
We can do this for low
productivity workers.

00:27:01.698 --> 00:27:03.740
We can also do it for
median productivity workers

00:27:03.740 --> 00:27:05.667
or also for high
productivity workers.

00:27:05.667 --> 00:27:07.250
I skip the median
productivity worker,

00:27:07.250 --> 00:27:08.810
but that's exactly the same.

00:27:08.810 --> 00:27:10.220
For high productivity
workers, we

00:27:10.220 --> 00:27:15.800
can look at the workers
who had been randomized

00:27:15.800 --> 00:27:22.340
into the heterogeneous treatment
group or heterogeneous worker

00:27:22.340 --> 00:27:23.870
group--

00:27:23.870 --> 00:27:26.870
sorry, heterogeneous
wage group where

00:27:26.870 --> 00:27:29.150
the worker gets a
WH but everybody

00:27:29.150 --> 00:27:31.460
else gets like a
lower wage, or we

00:27:31.460 --> 00:27:35.120
can compare that to
compressed age where everybody

00:27:35.120 --> 00:27:37.340
gets WH in that group.

00:27:43.510 --> 00:27:45.820
OK, so now what do you
what do the authors find?

00:27:45.820 --> 00:27:48.820
Let's start with
the low productivity

00:27:48.820 --> 00:27:50.170
workers at baseline.

00:27:50.170 --> 00:27:52.120
Remember the collinear
comparison here

00:27:52.120 --> 00:27:56.200
is between pay disparity-- this
is a heterogeneous group-- pay

00:27:56.200 --> 00:27:58.330
disparity and
compressed L, which

00:27:58.330 --> 00:28:02.710
is like the group where
everybody is paid the same.

00:28:02.710 --> 00:28:05.500
Now what the authors find--
and you see this in the graph

00:28:05.500 --> 00:28:09.272
fairly nicely, which is
like the productivity--

00:28:09.272 --> 00:28:11.230
these are like the red
line and the blue line--

00:28:11.230 --> 00:28:12.910
the productivity
on the left side-

00:28:12.910 --> 00:28:17.440
this is before the treatment
starts for about over 10 days--

00:28:17.440 --> 00:28:20.180
the productivity looks
pretty much the same.

00:28:20.180 --> 00:28:22.390
But then when you go to the
right side of the graph,

00:28:22.390 --> 00:28:26.350
not immediately but after a
few days they seem to be a gap

00:28:26.350 --> 00:28:30.310
or a gap emerges between the red
line and the blue line, which

00:28:30.310 --> 00:28:36.160
is exactly the gap as you would
expect if the disparity makes

00:28:36.160 --> 00:28:40.120
workers less productive, which
is to say the workers who

00:28:40.120 --> 00:28:43.000
receive a low wage but
others in that group

00:28:43.000 --> 00:28:46.510
are receiving higher wages
are becoming less productive

00:28:46.510 --> 00:28:50.830
compared to workers that receive
a low wage where others have

00:28:50.830 --> 00:28:53.530
the exact same productivity.

00:28:53.530 --> 00:28:57.340
And you see this also in
the regression tables,

00:28:57.340 --> 00:29:01.690
you see about a 22%
reduction in mean output

00:29:01.690 --> 00:29:05.903
and a 9% reduction in earnings,
which are pretty large effects.

00:29:05.903 --> 00:29:07.570
So these are like
large effects compared

00:29:07.570 --> 00:29:10.810
to like other interventions
that people have tried.

00:29:10.810 --> 00:29:12.550
Interesting, you
see a little bit

00:29:12.550 --> 00:29:15.820
like while the treatment effect
when you look at the graph

00:29:15.820 --> 00:29:19.360
initially looks not particularly
large, if anything it might not

00:29:19.360 --> 00:29:22.660
even be there often like a few
days, that treatment effect

00:29:22.660 --> 00:29:23.890
increases over time.

00:29:23.890 --> 00:29:27.610
It becomes larger
so over time people

00:29:27.610 --> 00:29:33.550
become less and less productive
compared to the compressed wage

00:29:33.550 --> 00:29:34.690
treatment.

00:29:34.690 --> 00:29:36.940
Interestingly, we
find-- the authors

00:29:36.940 --> 00:29:40.720
find similar effects for high
ranked, high productivity

00:29:40.720 --> 00:29:41.740
workers.

00:29:41.740 --> 00:29:43.870
So notice that these
are not workers

00:29:43.870 --> 00:29:46.540
who either who are high
productivity workers

00:29:46.540 --> 00:29:49.600
to receive the same wage in
the pay disparity treatment

00:29:49.600 --> 00:29:53.200
and the compressed H treatment
that have the same wage.

00:29:53.200 --> 00:29:56.140
In one case, they are
paid exactly the same.

00:29:56.140 --> 00:29:58.630
In the other case,
they're paid more

00:29:58.630 --> 00:30:00.910
compared to their coworkers.

00:30:00.910 --> 00:30:03.190
And what happens what
seems to be the case

00:30:03.190 --> 00:30:08.410
is that the compressed high
paid workers are, in fact, more

00:30:08.410 --> 00:30:10.420
productive compared to others.

00:30:10.420 --> 00:30:13.498
You might have expected in some
ways like if one guy gets paid

00:30:13.498 --> 00:30:15.040
high payment but
then others get paid

00:30:15.040 --> 00:30:17.802
less, that makes the high
pay worker more productive,

00:30:17.802 --> 00:30:19.510
because maybe he feels
good about himself

00:30:19.510 --> 00:30:20.800
that he's a high paid workers.

00:30:20.800 --> 00:30:23.710
And maybe he feels he can
prove himself or the like,

00:30:23.710 --> 00:30:26.050
but instead what seems to
be the case the group that

00:30:26.050 --> 00:30:31.270
works in his team that does not
work well together or they just

00:30:31.270 --> 00:30:34.030
becomes uncomfortable to work
with somebody else who is like

00:30:34.030 --> 00:30:37.500
really mad at you for
earning more than they do.

00:30:37.500 --> 00:30:41.950
And so now the high pay workers
in the compressed treatment,

00:30:41.950 --> 00:30:44.140
in fact, earn more
or produce more

00:30:44.140 --> 00:30:49.160
than the high paid workers in
the pay disparity treatment.

00:30:49.160 --> 00:30:52.510
So that is to say
the pay disparity,

00:30:52.510 --> 00:30:55.630
pay inequality does
not only reduce

00:30:55.630 --> 00:30:58.360
worker's productivity
for the low pay workers,

00:30:58.360 --> 00:31:00.400
so not only the people--

00:31:00.400 --> 00:31:04.533
the workers who are earning less
compared to their co-workers,

00:31:04.533 --> 00:31:06.200
and that's in some
sense to be expected.

00:31:06.200 --> 00:31:08.492
You might just be mad at
everybody else or other people

00:31:08.492 --> 00:31:11.350
in your group are earning more.

00:31:11.350 --> 00:31:13.190
Then you might be unhappy
and mad about that

00:31:13.190 --> 00:31:14.950
and just then produce less.

00:31:14.950 --> 00:31:17.890
Instead it seems to be the
case even the high productivity

00:31:17.890 --> 00:31:21.130
workers, the workers who earn
more than others in their group

00:31:21.130 --> 00:31:25.330
are producing less compared
to the control group where

00:31:25.330 --> 00:31:27.890
everybody earns the same.

00:31:27.890 --> 00:31:29.320
So what did we learn from that?

00:31:29.320 --> 00:31:33.070
Well, pay disparity lowers
worker performance for all team

00:31:33.070 --> 00:31:36.790
members, and so the
interpretation of that

00:31:36.790 --> 00:31:42.070
is that pay disparity undermines
workers ability to cooperate

00:31:42.070 --> 00:31:46.000
in their own self-interest.

00:31:46.000 --> 00:31:47.740
The paper has some
additional evidence

00:31:47.740 --> 00:31:50.050
with some cooperative
tasks where

00:31:50.050 --> 00:31:53.060
essentially workers are worse
at cooperating with each other.

00:31:53.060 --> 00:31:55.480
It seems to really be
that workers are not

00:31:55.480 --> 00:31:57.760
happy to work in the
same place with somebody

00:31:57.760 --> 00:32:00.550
else who earns less.

00:32:00.550 --> 00:32:03.100
Importantly, the
perceived justification

00:32:03.100 --> 00:32:05.800
is essential in
mediating these effects.

00:32:05.800 --> 00:32:08.590
That is to say I told you
previously that for some task

00:32:08.590 --> 00:32:12.680
it was easier to see who was
more productive than others,

00:32:12.680 --> 00:32:15.400
especially at baseline
just because in the task

00:32:15.400 --> 00:32:19.570
the difference is across highly
and less highly productive.

00:32:19.570 --> 00:32:22.480
Or high and low productivity
workers was just wider,

00:32:22.480 --> 00:32:25.270
and it's just easy to see that
Frank is really bad at this

00:32:25.270 --> 00:32:26.800
and somebody else
is really good.

00:32:26.800 --> 00:32:29.320
And for some task, it's
really easy to see that,

00:32:29.320 --> 00:32:30.800
for others not.

00:32:30.800 --> 00:32:32.410
So if it's really
easy-- if there's

00:32:32.410 --> 00:32:34.397
a perceived justification
for workers,

00:32:34.397 --> 00:32:35.980
if workers, sort of,
thought, OK, it's

00:32:35.980 --> 00:32:39.550
really easy to see who is
more productive than others,

00:32:39.550 --> 00:32:42.250
the effects are much
weaker than when there

00:32:42.250 --> 00:32:44.440
is no receive justification.

00:32:44.440 --> 00:32:46.473
That is to say workers
themselves are saying,

00:32:46.473 --> 00:32:47.890
like, if I'm saying,
look, there's

00:32:47.890 --> 00:32:50.000
this other worker who
is really productive

00:32:50.000 --> 00:32:51.740
and if I'm sort of
saying, hey, look,

00:32:51.740 --> 00:32:53.198
this is really
obvious that they're

00:32:53.198 --> 00:32:54.910
more productive than
I am, it's only fair

00:32:54.910 --> 00:32:57.910
that they're earning
more, then the affects

00:32:57.910 --> 00:33:01.190
are much damage-- then there's
much less than an effect that's

00:33:01.190 --> 00:33:04.120
accepted, and there's much
less of a productivity

00:33:04.120 --> 00:33:08.048
effect, if any, if
there's pay inequality.

00:33:08.048 --> 00:33:10.090
However, if it seems to
be the case that they're,

00:33:10.090 --> 00:33:12.550
kind of, like producing
the same thing,

00:33:12.550 --> 00:33:16.150
if we like similarly
producing the same thing

00:33:16.150 --> 00:33:19.270
and we're equally good at it
or approximately equally good

00:33:19.270 --> 00:33:22.610
and one person is paid more
than I am for no good reason,

00:33:22.610 --> 00:33:26.200
so it appears that workers are
really not happy about that,

00:33:26.200 --> 00:33:33.160
then work performance, in
particular output falls.

00:33:33.160 --> 00:33:34.430
So what are the implications?

00:33:34.430 --> 00:33:39.370
Well, this evidence suggests
that weight compression

00:33:39.370 --> 00:33:42.490
may be more likely in some
settings than in others, right.

00:33:42.490 --> 00:33:45.220
That's to say like if
it's easy to justify,

00:33:45.220 --> 00:33:48.280
if the production function or
like the production process is

00:33:48.280 --> 00:33:52.030
such that all aspects of the
production and the output

00:33:52.030 --> 00:33:55.750
or the performance are easy,
measurable, and observable

00:33:55.750 --> 00:33:58.720
for workers, then
workers might say

00:33:58.720 --> 00:34:02.510
it's OK if some workers are
earning more than others.

00:34:02.510 --> 00:34:05.740
However, if that's not the case,
if there's a bunch of stuff

00:34:05.740 --> 00:34:08.020
in the work process that's
really not observed--

00:34:08.020 --> 00:34:11.170
maybe it's verbal or maybe just
really hard to justify or hard

00:34:11.170 --> 00:34:14.199
to sort of assess in
some tangible way--

00:34:14.199 --> 00:34:16.750
then workers might
be really unhappy

00:34:16.750 --> 00:34:19.060
and that might lead
to weight compression,

00:34:19.060 --> 00:34:23.110
because the employer
might anticipate that.

00:34:23.110 --> 00:34:28.239
So overall, this, sort of, says
that like relative comparisons

00:34:28.239 --> 00:34:29.500
matter quite a bit.

00:34:29.500 --> 00:34:32.860
Fairness matters quite
a bit, and what's

00:34:32.860 --> 00:34:34.909
really key for an
employer and anybody who

00:34:34.909 --> 00:34:39.130
sets incentives is to take
into account these fairness

00:34:39.130 --> 00:34:43.090
considerations, and one wants to
really understand what is fair

00:34:43.090 --> 00:34:44.300
and what is not.

00:34:44.300 --> 00:34:48.460
And upsetting workers by
violating these fairness

00:34:48.460 --> 00:34:52.030
considerations or norms might
be really, really costly

00:34:52.030 --> 00:34:55.060
for an employer.

00:34:55.060 --> 00:34:58.980
So the good news here is that if
one understands that well, one

00:34:58.980 --> 00:35:01.890
can really sort of produce
increased productivity quite

00:35:01.890 --> 00:35:06.660
a bit, and in some cases weight
inequalities actually fine.

00:35:06.660 --> 00:35:09.600
One just has to be careful in
figuring out when exactly is

00:35:09.600 --> 00:35:12.790
that the case, OK.

00:35:12.790 --> 00:35:14.290
As I said, there's
a very nice paper

00:35:14.290 --> 00:35:17.350
by Jonas Hjort on
ethnic divisions

00:35:17.350 --> 00:35:18.760
and production in firms.

00:35:18.760 --> 00:35:20.740
You're going to talk
about that in recitation.

00:35:23.960 --> 00:35:26.880
OK, the second part
of this lecture

00:35:26.880 --> 00:35:31.620
we'll talk about policies
to increase pro-sociality.

00:35:31.620 --> 00:35:34.290
And so the first
of these papers is

00:35:34.290 --> 00:35:37.320
very nice recent paper by Gautam
Rao that looks at the question

00:35:37.320 --> 00:35:39.660
are social
preferences malleable.

00:35:39.660 --> 00:35:41.920
Like, what are the origins
of social preferences?

00:35:41.920 --> 00:35:46.930
Why is it that some people
appear nicer than others?

00:35:46.930 --> 00:35:48.660
And then once we
understand that,

00:35:48.660 --> 00:35:51.960
perhaps, we can also understand
what policies, if anything,

00:35:51.960 --> 00:35:53.837
can affect social preferences.

00:35:56.460 --> 00:35:58.350
The main question
that this paper asks

00:35:58.350 --> 00:36:01.560
is how does being mixed
with poor students in school

00:36:01.560 --> 00:36:05.040
affect the social
preferences of rich students.

00:36:05.040 --> 00:36:08.790
Now in a lot of the,
kind of, policies

00:36:08.790 --> 00:36:11.430
where poor students are
mixed with rich students,

00:36:11.430 --> 00:36:13.320
you might ask the
question, how does

00:36:13.320 --> 00:36:14.500
it affect the poor student.

00:36:14.500 --> 00:36:16.410
If a poor student
for whatever reason

00:36:16.410 --> 00:36:20.130
would not be able to afford like
a rich school or rich student's

00:36:20.130 --> 00:36:22.320
school and you,
sort of, allow them

00:36:22.320 --> 00:36:26.610
by giving them scholarships
or other policies,

00:36:26.610 --> 00:36:28.110
often the question
that people ask

00:36:28.110 --> 00:36:30.450
is like what are the
benefits of doing that.

00:36:30.450 --> 00:36:34.035
Is the poor student
doing better in school,

00:36:34.035 --> 00:36:36.660
or do they have different types
of friends, different networks,

00:36:36.660 --> 00:36:39.520
and does it lead to better
jobs and so on and so forth?

00:36:39.520 --> 00:36:41.790
This question, this paper
ask a different question.

00:36:41.790 --> 00:36:45.270
It asks the question about what
is the effect of rich students

00:36:45.270 --> 00:36:47.100
if they randomly
or quasi randomly

00:36:47.100 --> 00:36:52.200
are exposed to being in class
with additional or some more

00:36:52.200 --> 00:36:54.150
poor students.

00:36:54.150 --> 00:36:56.490
The paper exploits
a policy change

00:36:56.490 --> 00:37:01.800
that introduced an admissions
quota of 20% for poor students

00:37:01.800 --> 00:37:04.000
in primary schools in Delhi.

00:37:04.000 --> 00:37:08.280
In Delhi, these are
rich primary schools.

00:37:08.280 --> 00:37:11.410
The paper looks at two
sources of variation.

00:37:11.410 --> 00:37:14.100
There's variation
across classrooms

00:37:14.100 --> 00:37:17.400
that allows the author to
look at the overall effects.

00:37:17.400 --> 00:37:21.370
So you can look at, like,
within schools there's

00:37:21.370 --> 00:37:26.650
going to be treated
and controlled cohorts,

00:37:26.650 --> 00:37:30.010
because the policy was
introduced at some point.

00:37:30.010 --> 00:37:33.280
So for some students,
they enjoyed

00:37:33.280 --> 00:37:36.760
the benefits of being in
class with poor students

00:37:36.760 --> 00:37:38.050
or the costs.

00:37:38.050 --> 00:37:39.550
We'll see about that.

00:37:39.550 --> 00:37:42.130
And for other schools, they're
already too far advanced.

00:37:42.130 --> 00:37:44.230
They were like
essentially before the--

00:37:44.230 --> 00:37:46.780
they went to school before
the policy was enacted,

00:37:46.780 --> 00:37:49.390
and therefore they
were not exposed

00:37:49.390 --> 00:37:52.270
to having poor
students in school.

00:37:52.270 --> 00:37:53.830
For these treated
schools there is

00:37:53.830 --> 00:37:57.340
essentially variation
within school across cohorts

00:37:57.340 --> 00:37:59.890
that we can look at.

00:37:59.890 --> 00:38:01.250
Second within cohorts.

00:38:01.250 --> 00:38:04.000
We can look at treated
and control schools.

00:38:04.000 --> 00:38:08.300
So some schools were getting
additional poor kids and others

00:38:08.300 --> 00:38:08.800
did not.

00:38:08.800 --> 00:38:11.180
I'll tell you about
this in a second.

00:38:11.180 --> 00:38:14.020
And then there's variation
within classrooms

00:38:14.020 --> 00:38:17.800
to allow us to look at the
role of personal interactions.

00:38:17.800 --> 00:38:19.780
There are, sort of,
idiosyncratic assignments

00:38:19.780 --> 00:38:22.210
to study groups,
so some students

00:38:22.210 --> 00:38:25.240
happen to be in study
groups with a poor kid,

00:38:25.240 --> 00:38:26.830
and others were not.

00:38:32.795 --> 00:38:34.170
Now what does this
study measure.

00:38:34.170 --> 00:38:36.750
The study measures three
broad set of outcomes.

00:38:36.750 --> 00:38:39.420
It measures pro-social
behavior and generosity.

00:38:39.420 --> 00:38:41.670
This is very much what we
have already looked at.

00:38:41.670 --> 00:38:45.810
In particular, it looks at
dictator games and volunteering

00:38:45.810 --> 00:38:47.670
for charities at school.

00:38:47.670 --> 00:38:51.318
The paper has a very nice
mix of laboratory outcomes,

00:38:51.318 --> 00:38:52.860
sort of, measured
in the field, which

00:38:52.860 --> 00:38:55.795
is, sort of, the dictator game
that you're all familiar with.

00:38:55.795 --> 00:38:57.420
And field outcomes,
were just, sort of,

00:38:57.420 --> 00:39:00.480
trying to collect
real world outcomes

00:39:00.480 --> 00:39:02.880
in the sense of like
things that are, perhaps,

00:39:02.880 --> 00:39:07.320
somewhat less contrived from the
perspective of kids in school.

00:39:07.320 --> 00:39:09.240
And what's very nice
about the study is

00:39:09.240 --> 00:39:12.780
that it seems to be that the
results are very much aligned

00:39:12.780 --> 00:39:15.540
between, sort of, these live
outcomes, the dictator game

00:39:15.540 --> 00:39:18.250
type outcomes, and
the field outcomes,

00:39:18.250 --> 00:39:21.870
which is volunteering for
charity at school in this case.

00:39:21.870 --> 00:39:26.010
Second, the author
looks at discrimination

00:39:26.010 --> 00:39:27.570
in social interactions.

00:39:27.570 --> 00:39:30.780
In particular, he does it
all sports contests and looks

00:39:30.780 --> 00:39:33.660
at teammates selection
among these students

00:39:33.660 --> 00:39:38.010
and then willingness to attend
play dates with poor students.

00:39:38.010 --> 00:39:41.370
Finally, the author also
looks at academic outcomes,

00:39:41.370 --> 00:39:44.970
in particular test scores
and disciplinary infractions.

00:39:44.970 --> 00:39:47.910
Now why might one want to
look at academic outcomes,

00:39:47.910 --> 00:39:51.960
and why we're interested
in social preferences,

00:39:51.960 --> 00:39:54.270
there's several
reasons for that.

00:39:54.270 --> 00:39:55.920
In particular, an
important reason

00:39:55.920 --> 00:39:59.830
here is that if you're
against this type of policy,

00:39:59.830 --> 00:40:04.560
I might, sort of, show you
that, oh, adding poor children

00:40:04.560 --> 00:40:07.140
might affect the social
preference of rich children

00:40:07.140 --> 00:40:08.400
and so on in various ways.

00:40:08.400 --> 00:40:10.830
Maybe discretization goes
down, but perhaps it's

00:40:10.830 --> 00:40:13.780
the case that all comes at the
cost of academic performance,

00:40:13.780 --> 00:40:14.280
right.

00:40:14.280 --> 00:40:16.405
If you're trying to, sort
of, implement this policy

00:40:16.405 --> 00:40:23.100
and persuade policymakers, maybe
teachers or parents of like,

00:40:23.100 --> 00:40:27.690
OK, let's have more poor
students in your school.

00:40:27.690 --> 00:40:29.640
Well, parents might,
sort of, be OK fine.

00:40:29.640 --> 00:40:32.310
There's going to be like some
change in social preferences,

00:40:32.310 --> 00:40:34.110
some change in
discrimination, but really

00:40:34.110 --> 00:40:39.390
what we care about is test
scores or discipline at school,

00:40:39.390 --> 00:40:42.180
and these poor
kids might not be--

00:40:42.180 --> 00:40:44.310
might be worse in
terms of test scores,

00:40:44.310 --> 00:40:46.560
and they might have
negative peer effects

00:40:46.560 --> 00:40:51.450
in terms of test scores
but also in terms

00:40:51.450 --> 00:40:53.400
of disciplinary infractions.

00:40:53.400 --> 00:40:55.300
And, sort of, as
a policy question,

00:40:55.300 --> 00:40:57.360
then it's really
important to understand

00:40:57.360 --> 00:40:59.010
if there are some
benefits in terms

00:40:59.010 --> 00:41:02.280
of poor sociology or
reduced discrimination,

00:41:02.280 --> 00:41:04.050
do these benefits
come at the cost

00:41:04.050 --> 00:41:07.005
of reduced academic performance?

00:41:12.093 --> 00:41:14.010
So now what is, in fact,
the policy innovation

00:41:14.010 --> 00:41:15.690
in Delhi in 2007.

00:41:15.690 --> 00:41:20.340
There was a 20% admissions quota
in private schools introduced

00:41:20.340 --> 00:41:22.980
for poor students in some
of these private schools.

00:41:22.980 --> 00:41:26.737
There's a household income
cutoff of $2,000 per year.

00:41:26.737 --> 00:41:28.320
So these are not,
sort of, the poorest

00:41:28.320 --> 00:41:32.820
of the pole of the
students who are qualified.

00:41:32.820 --> 00:41:35.760
Schools which received
subsidized land

00:41:35.760 --> 00:41:39.870
from the government
were essentially

00:41:39.870 --> 00:41:41.820
included in this policy change.

00:41:41.820 --> 00:41:44.693
That's over 90% of
elite private schools.

00:41:44.693 --> 00:41:46.360
So think of these
elite private schools.

00:41:46.360 --> 00:41:50.730
These are really, sort of,
like very rich kids or parents

00:41:50.730 --> 00:41:52.013
of these kids.

00:41:52.013 --> 00:41:53.430
There's no fees
for the poor kids,

00:41:53.430 --> 00:41:57.000
because they would not be able
to afford these fees anyway.

00:41:57.000 --> 00:41:58.980
There was importantly
also no tracking.

00:41:58.980 --> 00:42:03.870
So it wasn't that high ability
or high performance kids

00:42:03.870 --> 00:42:05.310
would do very well
where they like

00:42:05.310 --> 00:42:08.310
tracked into the high tracks
and the good tracks verses

00:42:08.310 --> 00:42:09.540
lower tracks.

00:42:09.540 --> 00:42:11.730
Instead everybody
was mixed together,

00:42:11.730 --> 00:42:15.600
poor and rich, high performing,
low performing students.

00:42:15.600 --> 00:42:18.720
And the poor kids were
selected using lotteries,

00:42:18.720 --> 00:42:21.600
which in principle also allows
the author or others to look

00:42:21.600 --> 00:42:24.330
at the effective on those
poor kids, the students who

00:42:24.330 --> 00:42:25.860
are selected versus not.

00:42:25.860 --> 00:42:29.040
To be clear this is not
the subject of this paper.

00:42:29.040 --> 00:42:33.900
Just to give you a sense of the
magnitude of like the mixing,

00:42:33.900 --> 00:42:38.400
you see is that the average
beneficiary was a, sort of,

00:42:38.400 --> 00:42:45.690
at the 25th percentile of the
income distribution in Delhi,

00:42:45.690 --> 00:42:51.130
and wealthy students are
very much on the right tail--

00:42:51.130 --> 00:42:54.540
sorry on the right tail of
the distribution, something

00:42:54.540 --> 00:42:58.170
like the 90th percentile,
95th, which is about--

00:42:58.170 --> 00:43:02.410
the US equivalent of that would
be about $200,000 per year.

00:43:02.410 --> 00:43:06.420
The average beneficiary
had like the US equivalent

00:43:06.420 --> 00:43:08.340
income of like $23,000.

00:43:08.340 --> 00:43:10.530
Again, these are not
the poorest of the pole

00:43:10.530 --> 00:43:14.460
but relatively poor as about
like an order of magnitude

00:43:14.460 --> 00:43:19.230
poorer than the average
person in the actual school.

00:43:19.230 --> 00:43:23.640
Now this policy then
induced large variation

00:43:23.640 --> 00:43:25.260
across classrooms.

00:43:25.260 --> 00:43:30.150
If you look at poor students
in the fraction of the numbers

00:43:30.150 --> 00:43:33.810
of poor students in
by grade in 2011,

00:43:33.810 --> 00:43:38.010
I told you the policy
innovation was in 2007.

00:43:38.010 --> 00:43:42.540
So if you look at 2011--
that's four years later--

00:43:42.540 --> 00:43:47.100
anybody who is in
grade four in 2011

00:43:47.100 --> 00:43:51.420
has essentially no poor
student in that class

00:43:51.420 --> 00:43:53.310
in those rich schools.

00:43:53.310 --> 00:43:57.870
So for students who were in 2011
in grade four, five, or six.

00:43:57.870 --> 00:43:59.610
That policy came too late.

00:43:59.610 --> 00:44:02.730
They did not have
any poor classmates.

00:44:02.730 --> 00:44:07.140
In contrast, if you look
at the lower grades,

00:44:07.140 --> 00:44:10.430
grades 3, 2, 1, and 0,
which essentially preschool

00:44:10.430 --> 00:44:13.500
or minus 1, which
is preschool grades,

00:44:13.500 --> 00:44:15.660
there's lots of
additional poor students

00:44:15.660 --> 00:44:19.750
now in those rich schools.

00:44:19.750 --> 00:44:22.560
Now again, there's
variation within schools

00:44:22.560 --> 00:44:23.490
and across schools.

00:44:23.490 --> 00:44:26.190
The variation within schools
is across classrooms.

00:44:26.190 --> 00:44:29.190
That's, kind of, what
I'm showing you here.

00:44:29.190 --> 00:44:31.883
But it's also a
variation across schools.

00:44:31.883 --> 00:44:33.300
So just to be
clear, the variation

00:44:33.300 --> 00:44:39.030
within schools across classrooms
is like in the treated schools

00:44:39.030 --> 00:44:41.850
there's some classes like
the fourth grade have

00:44:41.850 --> 00:44:45.090
like essentially zero poor
kids in their classes,

00:44:45.090 --> 00:44:48.210
and the third
grade, in contrast,

00:44:48.210 --> 00:44:52.390
have lots of poor
kids in the classroom.

00:44:52.390 --> 00:44:55.080
They can do that comparison
across classrooms

00:44:55.080 --> 00:44:56.340
within school.

00:44:56.340 --> 00:44:59.040
In addition, has also
variation across schools.

00:44:59.040 --> 00:45:01.920
There is, in particular,
there's treatment schools, which

00:45:01.920 --> 00:45:04.590
comply in 2007 as
they were supposed to,

00:45:04.590 --> 00:45:07.200
but then there's also
delayed treatment schools,

00:45:07.200 --> 00:45:08.940
which complied in 2008.

00:45:08.940 --> 00:45:11.100
So the jump shifted
by one cohort.

00:45:11.100 --> 00:45:13.350
So the cohort, the jump
that I showed you here,

00:45:13.350 --> 00:45:17.820
this is for the treatment
schools that complied

00:45:17.820 --> 00:45:20.580
or this for everybody
that complied in 2007.

00:45:20.580 --> 00:45:22.540
The delayed one
complied a year later,

00:45:22.540 --> 00:45:26.820
so you'll see them essentially,
somewhat later increasing--

00:45:26.820 --> 00:45:28.590
or one year later
exactly increasing

00:45:28.590 --> 00:45:31.020
the fraction of poor
kids in their classroom.

00:45:31.020 --> 00:45:32.970
And then there is
the control schools

00:45:32.970 --> 00:45:36.630
that were not subject to the
policy, at least until 2013.

00:45:36.630 --> 00:45:39.625
So they had received--

00:45:39.625 --> 00:45:42.000
they had received land from
federal government or private

00:45:42.000 --> 00:45:44.140
foundations.

00:45:44.140 --> 00:45:46.410
So essentially there
was no treatment.

00:45:46.410 --> 00:45:50.700
That is all students are rich
in these types of classes.

00:45:50.700 --> 00:45:53.630
So that is-- the land
receiving is essentially just--

00:45:53.630 --> 00:45:57.180
that was like a fairly
arbitrary rule in some ways.

00:45:57.180 --> 00:46:00.470
So that, sort of, leads to at
least quasi random variation.

00:46:00.470 --> 00:46:07.280
And some schools received the
treatment, and others did not.

00:46:07.280 --> 00:46:09.330
Now let me show
you some outcomes.

00:46:09.330 --> 00:46:11.960
So one outcome is our friend
the dictator game which you have

00:46:11.960 --> 00:46:15.350
seen quite a bit and played
already as well is students are

00:46:15.350 --> 00:46:18.860
allowed with 10 rupees,
which is not very much--

00:46:18.860 --> 00:46:21.380
that's about like $0.15--

00:46:21.380 --> 00:46:23.540
and they choose to share--

00:46:23.540 --> 00:46:25.760
notice that these are
pretty young kids,

00:46:25.760 --> 00:46:28.040
so 10 rupees is quite a
bit of money for them.

00:46:28.040 --> 00:46:33.170
They choose to share an amount
as before between 0 and 10.

00:46:33.170 --> 00:46:36.203
And Gautam sets this up
such that students could--

00:46:36.203 --> 00:46:38.120
it was not just about
the money, but they also

00:46:38.120 --> 00:46:41.850
can exchange the money for candy
later, add 1 rupee per piece.

00:46:41.850 --> 00:46:45.190
So that was a pretty good deal.

00:46:45.190 --> 00:46:48.490
Then the dictator games for
the order was randomized.

00:46:48.490 --> 00:46:50.350
The kids would play two games.

00:46:50.350 --> 00:46:53.800
Again, so all rich
kids would do that.

00:46:53.800 --> 00:46:57.340
They play first game one where
the recipient is a poor student

00:46:57.340 --> 00:46:59.170
in a school for poor children.

00:46:59.170 --> 00:47:01.990
And in game 2,
it's a rich student

00:47:01.990 --> 00:47:03.880
in a private control school.

00:47:03.880 --> 00:47:07.750
Notice it's a control
school to be clear,

00:47:07.750 --> 00:47:10.960
so it's not a kid
that they might know.

00:47:10.960 --> 00:47:15.430
So the kids are chosen
such that the kids were

00:47:15.430 --> 00:47:18.640
given the names and the
photographs of the school shown

00:47:18.640 --> 00:47:20.440
to the subject, to the kids.

00:47:20.440 --> 00:47:21.850
So you could sort of see--

00:47:21.850 --> 00:47:23.470
and this is verified
in the briefing

00:47:23.470 --> 00:47:26.710
by the author-- is that
the children understand

00:47:26.710 --> 00:47:30.370
very well who is a rich
kid and who's a poor kid,

00:47:30.370 --> 00:47:33.290
but these are not kids that
they would actually know.

00:47:33.290 --> 00:47:35.290
And something that's a
less interesting question

00:47:35.290 --> 00:47:38.530
if you have gone to school
with somebody for a long time,

00:47:38.530 --> 00:47:41.740
you might have seen them
around in your school yard,

00:47:41.740 --> 00:47:44.450
you might be nicer to
them or less nice to them.

00:47:44.450 --> 00:47:46.330
That's not what the
study is looking at.

00:47:46.330 --> 00:47:50.200
The study is looking at
other kids in other schools

00:47:50.200 --> 00:47:53.530
that look rich or look
poor both in terms

00:47:53.530 --> 00:47:56.930
of the way they're
dressed and so on,

00:47:56.930 --> 00:47:59.570
but in particular the way
their school looks like.

00:47:59.570 --> 00:48:01.085
So essentially these are--

00:48:01.085 --> 00:48:02.710
now we're looking at
social preferences

00:48:02.710 --> 00:48:07.310
towards other people, people
that these kids don't know.

00:48:07.310 --> 00:48:09.410
OK, so now what do we see.

00:48:09.410 --> 00:48:11.570
So this is a
generosity to the pole.

00:48:11.570 --> 00:48:14.690
So like this is essentially the
results from game number one.

00:48:14.690 --> 00:48:18.500
Again, remember these are all
rich kids who are giving now

00:48:18.500 --> 00:48:22.190
to poor kids, and the question
now is being exposed to

00:48:22.190 --> 00:48:27.860
or does being exposed to poor
children for several years,

00:48:27.860 --> 00:48:32.480
does that affect giving
in the form of dictator

00:48:32.480 --> 00:48:36.230
games towards poor
children to start with.

00:48:36.230 --> 00:48:39.270
And we're going to talk about
rich students after that.

00:48:39.270 --> 00:48:43.430
So here you see the generosity
to the poor in control schools.

00:48:43.430 --> 00:48:47.450
You see this is the percent
to the poor recipient.

00:48:47.450 --> 00:48:50.340
It's remarkably similar to
what we've seen previously,

00:48:50.340 --> 00:48:52.120
which is about 20% to 30%.

00:48:52.120 --> 00:48:56.570
About 25% is given to the
pole kid in the control

00:48:56.570 --> 00:48:59.930
groups in the control schools.

00:48:59.930 --> 00:49:04.190
This fraction seems to trend
up a little bit over time,

00:49:04.190 --> 00:49:07.370
but it's also quite constant
over time across grades.

00:49:07.370 --> 00:49:10.970
You see here by grades
two, three, four, and five

00:49:10.970 --> 00:49:11.990
on the x-axis.

00:49:11.990 --> 00:49:15.320
On the y-axis, it's the percent
given to the poor recipients.

00:49:15.320 --> 00:49:17.240
Now adding the
treatment schools,

00:49:17.240 --> 00:49:20.600
now we find that
for two grades--

00:49:20.600 --> 00:49:23.030
for grade two and grade
three, remember the graph

00:49:23.030 --> 00:49:24.940
that I showed you here.

00:49:24.940 --> 00:49:27.610
You see that in grades
three, two, one,

00:49:27.610 --> 00:49:29.200
and so on, these
are the kids who

00:49:29.200 --> 00:49:33.130
are exposed to the poor
children in class in contrast

00:49:33.130 --> 00:49:35.410
to grades four and five
that have not been exposed

00:49:35.410 --> 00:49:37.540
to poor kids in their class.

00:49:37.540 --> 00:49:41.620
So what this graph shows
is that exactly the grades

00:49:41.620 --> 00:49:44.470
three and two that
have been exposed--

00:49:44.470 --> 00:49:46.000
in the treatment
groups that have

00:49:46.000 --> 00:49:48.280
been exposed to poor
classmates, these

00:49:48.280 --> 00:49:55.030
are exactly the students, the
grades where giving is higher

00:49:55.030 --> 00:49:58.690
towards the poor compared
to the control groups

00:49:58.690 --> 00:50:02.710
but also compared to the
older cohorts four and five,

00:50:02.710 --> 00:50:04.090
the grade four and five.

00:50:04.090 --> 00:50:07.070
When you look at
grades four and five,

00:50:07.070 --> 00:50:09.320
they see essentially no
difference between treatment

00:50:09.320 --> 00:50:10.640
and control schools.

00:50:10.640 --> 00:50:12.530
So they seem to be very similar.

00:50:12.530 --> 00:50:15.170
In contrast, if you
look at grades three

00:50:15.170 --> 00:50:18.770
and through where the
treatment kids are exposed

00:50:18.770 --> 00:50:22.430
to the treatment by having the
poor kids in their classrooms,

00:50:22.430 --> 00:50:27.020
these are exactly the years
where giving goes up and goes

00:50:27.020 --> 00:50:27.890
up by quite a bit.

00:50:27.890 --> 00:50:31.730
While the average was, as
I said before, about 25%,

00:50:31.730 --> 00:50:34.010
that goes up to about 35%.

00:50:34.010 --> 00:50:36.455
So that's a pretty
large relative increase.

00:50:39.650 --> 00:50:42.530
Now in addition, as
I told you, there

00:50:42.530 --> 00:50:45.800
are also delayed treatment
groups, treatment schools.

00:50:45.800 --> 00:50:48.968
For those schools, if
you were in grade three,

00:50:48.968 --> 00:50:51.260
it was also too late for you,
because the treatment was

00:50:51.260 --> 00:50:53.490
introduced only a year later.

00:50:53.490 --> 00:50:55.850
So if you were in
grade three, you

00:50:55.850 --> 00:50:58.880
did not have any poor
kids in your school.

00:50:58.880 --> 00:51:00.800
Now if you look at
the yellow line here,

00:51:00.800 --> 00:51:03.620
the yellow line looks very
much like the green line.

00:51:03.620 --> 00:51:06.200
That is for the delay
treatment schools,

00:51:06.200 --> 00:51:08.180
there's no impact either.

00:51:08.180 --> 00:51:11.360
They look very much like the
control group of schools,

00:51:11.360 --> 00:51:13.710
as you would expect.

00:51:13.710 --> 00:51:17.960
However, in the delayed
treatment schools

00:51:17.960 --> 00:51:22.460
in grade number two,
that's the grade where

00:51:22.460 --> 00:51:23.640
the students are exposed--

00:51:23.640 --> 00:51:26.450
the rich students are exposed
to the poor kids using

00:51:26.450 --> 00:51:31.340
the essentially similar effects
to the treatment schools,

00:51:31.340 --> 00:51:32.520
as you expect.

00:51:32.520 --> 00:51:34.070
So that's fairly
compelling evidence

00:51:34.070 --> 00:51:39.230
that really the differences that
you see across these schools

00:51:39.230 --> 00:51:43.790
are driven by the
treatment that was--

00:51:43.790 --> 00:51:48.770
the timing of the treatment
as opposed to other potential

00:51:48.770 --> 00:51:52.100
effects due to like selection
or maybe these schools

00:51:52.100 --> 00:51:53.390
are different and so on.

00:51:53.390 --> 00:51:55.070
We see essentially
no differences

00:51:55.070 --> 00:51:58.650
in grades four and five for any
of the treatment and control

00:51:58.650 --> 00:51:59.330
schools.

00:51:59.330 --> 00:52:02.150
You also see no
difference in grades three

00:52:02.150 --> 00:52:03.890
for the delayed
treatment schools

00:52:03.890 --> 00:52:05.430
compared to the control group.

00:52:05.430 --> 00:52:07.970
In contrast, we see
clear differences

00:52:07.970 --> 00:52:11.180
in grades two for the delay
in the treatment school as

00:52:11.180 --> 00:52:12.770
compared to the control schools.

00:52:12.770 --> 00:52:16.040
We also see a clear difference
for the treatment schools

00:52:16.040 --> 00:52:19.280
compared to both the control
schools and the delayed

00:52:19.280 --> 00:52:22.650
treatment schools as well.

00:52:22.650 --> 00:52:25.400
So that's fairly
compelling evidence

00:52:25.400 --> 00:52:28.550
that game or play,
dictator games

00:52:28.550 --> 00:52:32.690
changes when
students are exposed

00:52:32.690 --> 00:52:37.750
for quite a long time to
poor kids in their classroom.

00:52:37.750 --> 00:52:41.830
OK so now in
addition, we will have

00:52:41.830 --> 00:52:44.270
variation within classroom.

00:52:44.270 --> 00:52:46.690
So what I show you here,
this is all variation

00:52:46.690 --> 00:52:48.400
across classrooms.

00:52:48.400 --> 00:52:51.640
That is to say, if you have
a poor kid in your classroom,

00:52:51.640 --> 00:52:55.760
you will behave differently, or
that will change your attitude

00:52:55.760 --> 00:52:58.840
toward your giving
and dictator games

00:52:58.840 --> 00:53:03.370
towards the poor or
other poor children.

00:53:03.370 --> 00:53:06.490
Now, in addition,
the author also

00:53:06.490 --> 00:53:10.750
has evidence of variation
within classroom.

00:53:10.750 --> 00:53:12.500
Now, he lets you think
about for a second,

00:53:12.500 --> 00:53:15.590
why is it important to also
have variation within classroom?

00:53:15.590 --> 00:53:18.410
Isn't the evidence that we have
here already compelling enough?

00:53:18.410 --> 00:53:20.643
Why do we need more?

00:53:20.643 --> 00:53:22.310
And you can think
about it for a second.

00:53:29.530 --> 00:53:33.250
The reason for that is that the
diff-in-diff, the difference

00:53:33.250 --> 00:53:36.790
in differences comparing
essentially across classrooms,

00:53:36.790 --> 00:53:39.190
identifies the overall
effective having

00:53:39.190 --> 00:53:41.380
poor classmates in class.

00:53:41.380 --> 00:53:44.920
That might be the result
of personal interactions.

00:53:44.920 --> 00:53:48.160
But it might also be the
result of the teacher.

00:53:48.160 --> 00:53:49.390
The curriculum might change.

00:53:49.390 --> 00:53:52.010
Your parents might change in
some ways in just telling you,

00:53:52.010 --> 00:53:52.510
look.

00:53:52.510 --> 00:53:54.460
There's these poor
kids in your class.

00:53:54.460 --> 00:53:56.350
The teachers might
tell everybody, oh, you

00:53:56.350 --> 00:53:58.120
need to be nice to poor kids.

00:53:58.120 --> 00:53:59.320
The curriculum might change.

00:53:59.320 --> 00:54:00.820
It might sort of
include things that

00:54:00.820 --> 00:54:02.770
tell you to be nice to
poor kids and so on.

00:54:02.770 --> 00:54:04.937
You might be sort of exposed
to just different types

00:54:04.937 --> 00:54:05.860
of material.

00:54:05.860 --> 00:54:08.050
So really, given the
evidence that we have here,

00:54:08.050 --> 00:54:10.480
when you just compare
across classrooms,

00:54:10.480 --> 00:54:14.170
you cannot disentangle whether
this is driven from being

00:54:14.170 --> 00:54:18.430
personally exposed in terms of
interacting with poor children

00:54:18.430 --> 00:54:20.830
personally by just talking
to them in certain ways,

00:54:20.830 --> 00:54:24.290
or being exposed to them, or
learning about them and so on.

00:54:24.290 --> 00:54:27.820
So you cannot disentangle
personal interactions from

00:54:27.820 --> 00:54:30.430
teacher or curriculum
changes that are essentially

00:54:30.430 --> 00:54:32.960
at the classroom level.

00:54:32.960 --> 00:54:35.320
So in addition,
then, Gautam also

00:54:35.320 --> 00:54:40.360
has a within-classroom
strategy that

00:54:40.360 --> 00:54:43.180
exploits the assignments
of study groups.

00:54:43.180 --> 00:54:44.860
What is that doing
is essentially,

00:54:44.860 --> 00:54:48.190
it isolates the role of
direct personal interactions

00:54:48.190 --> 00:54:50.630
and is not subject
to sorting concerns.

00:54:50.630 --> 00:54:53.260
Another concern might be
that you might sort of say,

00:54:53.260 --> 00:54:57.820
oh, well, in this
school, they're

00:54:57.820 --> 00:55:01.000
having poor kids
that are allowed

00:55:01.000 --> 00:55:02.260
into this private school.

00:55:02.260 --> 00:55:05.120
I'm going to send my
kids to somebody else.

00:55:05.120 --> 00:55:10.150
So that's also an issue perhaps
potentially in the evidence

00:55:10.150 --> 00:55:12.250
that I showed you before
across classrooms.

00:55:12.250 --> 00:55:14.080
The within-classroom
strategy is now

00:55:14.080 --> 00:55:17.170
looking at everybody
who is in that classroom

00:55:17.170 --> 00:55:22.900
and looking at some kids
were just randomly assigned

00:55:22.900 --> 00:55:25.810
to be in study groups with
poor kids, and others were not.

00:55:25.810 --> 00:55:28.240
And that sort of allowed
us to disentangle

00:55:28.240 --> 00:55:30.085
or allows us to
isolate the effect

00:55:30.085 --> 00:55:32.870
of personal interactions.

00:55:32.870 --> 00:55:36.670
So one hour a day, kids
were working in small groups

00:55:36.670 --> 00:55:38.530
of 2 to 4 students.

00:55:38.530 --> 00:55:41.200
Remember, this was for a
very long period of time.

00:55:41.200 --> 00:55:43.450
So it's one hour per
day, but it was also

00:55:43.450 --> 00:55:44.450
for quite a bit of time.

00:55:44.450 --> 00:55:46.090
It's not just doing
that once or twice.

00:55:46.090 --> 00:55:48.610
It's more an extended
period of time.

00:55:48.610 --> 00:55:51.760
And crucially, some schools
use the alphabetic order

00:55:51.760 --> 00:55:54.450
of first names to
assign study groups.

00:55:54.450 --> 00:55:56.350
So that's essentially
exogenous variation

00:55:56.350 --> 00:55:58.090
in personal interactions.

00:55:58.090 --> 00:56:04.120
Other schools frequently
shuffled the groups and only--

00:56:04.120 --> 00:56:08.020
which essentially sort of--

00:56:08.020 --> 00:56:11.080
everybody was equally
exposed to those kinds of--

00:56:11.080 --> 00:56:13.300
to different students.

00:56:13.300 --> 00:56:16.270
So you are sometimes in study
groups with rich students

00:56:16.270 --> 00:56:18.760
only and sometimes with
poor students only.

00:56:18.760 --> 00:56:23.170
In the first group where the
alphabetic order was used,

00:56:23.170 --> 00:56:25.600
you were either sort
of in the study group

00:56:25.600 --> 00:56:32.170
where you happened to be
next to somebody who's

00:56:32.170 --> 00:56:34.360
a poor kid because they
happened to be next to you

00:56:34.360 --> 00:56:38.000
in the alphabet, or you're
not, and that stayed the same.

00:56:38.000 --> 00:56:40.370
Now, what does this
let us look at?

00:56:40.370 --> 00:56:44.190
Essentially, the alphabetical
order predicts study partners.

00:56:44.190 --> 00:56:46.790
So now you might say people
with different names might also

00:56:46.790 --> 00:56:47.520
be different.

00:56:47.520 --> 00:56:49.400
So it could just be
that like my name--

00:56:49.400 --> 00:56:51.350
because my name
is different, I'm

00:56:51.350 --> 00:56:55.890
more likely to be next in the
alphabet to a poor student.

00:56:55.890 --> 00:56:58.250
For example, if I'm
a rich kid and there

00:56:58.250 --> 00:57:02.000
are some names that are more
similar to poor kids' names,

00:57:02.000 --> 00:57:04.610
it could be that my parents
are particularly tolerant.

00:57:04.610 --> 00:57:09.050
They also gave me a name that
sounds like a poor person.

00:57:09.050 --> 00:57:11.510
And therefore, I'm more
likely to be in a study group

00:57:11.510 --> 00:57:14.420
with the poor kids.

00:57:14.420 --> 00:57:16.910
And that's not the impact
of being in the study group

00:57:16.910 --> 00:57:18.170
or rather sort of selection.

00:57:18.170 --> 00:57:20.075
It could be that
names are different

00:57:20.075 --> 00:57:22.440
or people with different
names are different.

00:57:22.440 --> 00:57:25.050
So that's why having this
control group is really nice.

00:57:25.050 --> 00:57:26.900
So what we can look
at now is to say,

00:57:26.900 --> 00:57:33.200
you can look at kids that have
names adjacent to rich students

00:57:33.200 --> 00:57:36.810
and kids that have names
adjacent to poor students.

00:57:36.810 --> 00:57:39.095
So if you look at
the left side, this

00:57:39.095 --> 00:57:41.060
is essentially
looking at students

00:57:41.060 --> 00:57:45.890
that have their names
adjacent to rich students only

00:57:45.890 --> 00:57:48.350
or students that have
names adjacent to also

00:57:48.350 --> 00:57:49.670
some poor students.

00:57:49.670 --> 00:57:53.460
When you look at that, where the
alphabetic order was not used,

00:57:53.460 --> 00:57:55.400
the outcome here is
what's your share

00:57:55.400 --> 00:57:56.833
of having poor study partners?

00:57:56.833 --> 00:57:58.250
And so there,
essentially, there's

00:57:58.250 --> 00:58:01.490
no difference, as it should be,
because the alphabetic order

00:58:01.490 --> 00:58:02.210
was not used.

00:58:02.210 --> 00:58:04.040
There was a shuffling
around the kids

00:58:04.040 --> 00:58:05.630
all the time, so
it didn't really

00:58:05.630 --> 00:58:07.040
matter what your alphabet was.

00:58:07.040 --> 00:58:08.040
It didn't really matter.

00:58:08.040 --> 00:58:10.370
But crucially, we can
still look at the alphabet.

00:58:10.370 --> 00:58:14.787
We can look at kids
that have names

00:58:14.787 --> 00:58:16.370
where, Jason, in the
alphabet, there's

00:58:16.370 --> 00:58:18.800
only rich kids, rich students.

00:58:18.800 --> 00:58:22.160
Or they can look
at kids that have

00:58:22.160 --> 00:58:24.380
names where, adjacent
to the alphabets,

00:58:24.380 --> 00:58:25.650
there are poor students.

00:58:25.650 --> 00:58:27.650
And, here you see on the
left side of the graph,

00:58:27.650 --> 00:58:31.890
you see essentially no
difference across these groups.

00:58:31.890 --> 00:58:35.270
So they were equally likely to
have a poor kid in their study

00:58:35.270 --> 00:58:36.200
group.

00:58:36.200 --> 00:58:38.690
In contrast, on the
right side of the graph,

00:58:38.690 --> 00:58:45.150
you see the alphabetic order
was used to assign study groups.

00:58:45.150 --> 00:58:50.450
So if you had a name adjacent to
a poor student in the alphabet,

00:58:50.450 --> 00:58:54.260
you're very, very likely to
have a poor kid assigned to you

00:58:54.260 --> 00:58:55.400
or be in your study group.

00:58:55.400 --> 00:58:58.440
Not always because sometimes,
these are groups of three.

00:58:58.440 --> 00:59:00.980
So sometimes, you
were lucky or unlucky

00:59:00.980 --> 00:59:02.930
depending on how you view it.

00:59:02.930 --> 00:59:06.350
The group was just above you
or below you in the alphabet.

00:59:06.350 --> 00:59:07.880
But most of the
time, if you have

00:59:07.880 --> 00:59:10.520
a name adjacent to a poor
student, that student

00:59:10.520 --> 00:59:15.290
or any student would
be in your study group.

00:59:15.290 --> 00:59:19.564
If you didn't have a
name adjacent to you or f

00:59:19.564 --> 00:59:21.530
you only had rich
students adjacent to you,

00:59:21.530 --> 00:59:23.030
there's still a
chance that you have

00:59:23.030 --> 00:59:24.380
a poor student in
your study group

00:59:24.380 --> 00:59:26.720
because it could be just like
not the person next to you

00:59:26.720 --> 00:59:31.350
but another person further down
is, in fact, a poor student.

00:59:31.350 --> 00:59:33.920
You end up in that
group with that student.

00:59:33.920 --> 00:59:36.347
Remember, these are
groups of 2 to 4 students.

00:59:36.347 --> 00:59:38.930
So it could just be that you're
in a group of 3 to 4 students,

00:59:38.930 --> 00:59:42.230
and not the person adjacent to
you but the person after that

00:59:42.230 --> 00:59:44.820
ends up in your study group.

00:59:44.820 --> 00:59:47.570
So you're still likely to have--

00:59:47.570 --> 00:59:50.570
you have still like about
like a 40% chance of having

00:59:50.570 --> 00:59:54.500
a poor kid in your study group.

00:59:54.500 --> 00:59:56.600
But there's a huge
difference between the two

00:59:56.600 --> 00:59:58.190
types of groups.

00:59:58.190 --> 01:00:00.710
The name adjacent
to the study group

01:00:00.710 --> 01:00:05.330
has a huge fraction,
about 90%, versus 40%.

01:00:05.330 --> 01:00:07.520
So crucially, now,
we can compare

01:00:07.520 --> 01:00:10.040
for both types of
schools, for the schools

01:00:10.040 --> 01:00:13.010
on the right-hand side where,
essentially, the names are very

01:00:13.010 --> 01:00:18.200
predictive of having a poor
kid in your study group,

01:00:18.200 --> 01:00:20.780
versus on the left-hand
side where the names are not

01:00:20.780 --> 01:00:24.920
predicative at all whether you
have a poor kid in your study

01:00:24.920 --> 01:00:25.680
group.

01:00:25.680 --> 01:00:27.350
And so we can--

01:00:27.350 --> 01:00:30.260
that way, we can keep selection
the same, the types of name

01:00:30.260 --> 01:00:31.040
are the same.

01:00:31.040 --> 01:00:33.080
We are isolating
the impact of having

01:00:33.080 --> 01:00:35.540
a poor kid in your study group.

01:00:35.540 --> 01:00:36.920
Now, what does the author find?

01:00:36.920 --> 01:00:39.570
He finds that-- this is
what we showed you before,

01:00:39.570 --> 01:00:43.430
which is in the control
group, we had about,

01:00:43.430 --> 01:00:46.109
in the dictator game,
these kids gave about 27%.

01:00:51.350 --> 01:00:53.060
Having a poor kid
in your classroom.

01:00:53.060 --> 01:00:54.977
That's the evidence that
I already showed you.

01:00:54.977 --> 01:00:58.980
The treatment effect is
about 12 percentage points.

01:00:58.980 --> 01:00:59.940
That's fairly large.

01:00:59.940 --> 01:01:02.900
That's almost like
a 50% increase.

01:01:02.900 --> 01:01:04.290
A little bit less than that.

01:01:04.290 --> 01:01:06.620
So that's a huge increase.

01:01:06.620 --> 01:01:08.960
And then in addition,
when you look

01:01:08.960 --> 01:01:14.330
at kids that have a
poor study partner,

01:01:14.330 --> 01:01:16.580
notice that these are things
not necessarily additive,

01:01:16.580 --> 01:01:19.220
but if you have a poor
study partner versus not,

01:01:19.220 --> 01:01:23.340
there's an effective about
7.5 percentage points.

01:01:23.340 --> 01:01:26.100
That's a pretty large effect.

01:01:26.100 --> 01:01:29.690
So both of these
things seem to matter.

01:01:29.690 --> 01:01:32.240
Personal interactions seem
to be quite important.

01:01:32.240 --> 01:01:33.890
But in addition,
there seem to be also

01:01:33.890 --> 01:01:35.600
some additional
effects perhaps coming

01:01:35.600 --> 01:01:37.640
from the classroom level.

01:01:37.640 --> 01:01:39.740
You might-- so there's
two types of effects

01:01:39.740 --> 01:01:40.940
that are possible here.

01:01:40.940 --> 01:01:44.030
Some types of effects could
be from the teacher, parents,

01:01:44.030 --> 01:01:45.090
curriculum, et cetera.

01:01:45.090 --> 01:01:46.190
Might be different.

01:01:46.190 --> 01:01:47.720
Or other things
could be just like,

01:01:47.720 --> 01:01:50.690
even if you don't have a
poor kid in your study group,

01:01:50.690 --> 01:01:52.940
you might still play with
them or be friends with them

01:01:52.940 --> 01:01:55.880
or just seeing them around in
the classroom might affect you.

01:01:55.880 --> 01:01:59.690
But crucially, the
personal interactions

01:01:59.690 --> 01:02:03.305
seem to be very
important as well.

01:02:03.305 --> 01:02:05.430
Now, one question you might
ask is, well, so far, I

01:02:05.430 --> 01:02:08.490
showed you generosity
towards poor children.

01:02:08.490 --> 01:02:09.690
So that was game number 1.

01:02:09.690 --> 01:02:14.190
We looked at what happens
in the dictator games

01:02:14.190 --> 01:02:16.170
when a rich kid
plays with a poor kid

01:02:16.170 --> 01:02:19.810
and the rich kids become
nicer towards the poor kids.

01:02:19.810 --> 01:02:23.640
Now, how about generosity
towards other wealthy children?

01:02:23.640 --> 01:02:27.000
Well, it turns out that
that increases as well.

01:02:27.000 --> 01:02:29.850
So it's a smaller effect size,
but it's still substantial,

01:02:29.850 --> 01:02:32.830
and, in fact,
statistically significant.

01:02:32.830 --> 01:02:34.230
So why might that be?

01:02:34.230 --> 01:02:37.030
You might sort of ask,
well, what's going on here?

01:02:37.030 --> 01:02:38.790
So here's the evidence.

01:02:38.790 --> 01:02:42.130
You sort of see the change in
giving to rich participants.

01:02:42.130 --> 01:02:43.630
This is sort of
like a distribution.

01:02:43.630 --> 01:02:47.550
You see this is the share
giving to the rich participant.

01:02:47.550 --> 01:02:49.013
It seems to be what happens--

01:02:49.013 --> 01:02:50.430
these are essentially
the fraction

01:02:50.430 --> 01:02:53.190
of students in the different
treatment versus control

01:02:53.190 --> 01:02:56.760
who give 0%, 10%,
20%, 30%, 40%, 50%.

01:02:56.760 --> 01:02:59.850
And what you see-- there is
about a 10 percentage points

01:02:59.850 --> 01:03:04.350
decrease in the fraction
who give 0% and about

01:03:04.350 --> 01:03:07.110
an 8-something percentage
points increase

01:03:07.110 --> 01:03:09.750
in the fraction who give 50%.

01:03:09.750 --> 01:03:12.510
So it seems to be that there's
quite a few students who

01:03:12.510 --> 01:03:14.310
move from 0%.

01:03:14.310 --> 01:03:19.830
About 10% of them
move from 0% to 50%.

01:03:19.830 --> 01:03:23.400
And 50-50 is kind of like
the equal allocation.

01:03:23.400 --> 01:03:26.880
So rich kids also becoming
nicer towards rich kids

01:03:26.880 --> 01:03:28.620
in these dictator games.

01:03:28.620 --> 01:03:31.230
So what's going on here?

01:03:31.230 --> 01:03:33.810
There's different
potential explanations.

01:03:33.810 --> 01:03:37.590
Perhaps the most plausible
explanation-- the study

01:03:37.590 --> 01:03:39.540
has some evidence on that.

01:03:39.540 --> 01:03:42.060
At the end of the day, it's
hard to sort of entirely

01:03:42.060 --> 01:03:47.230
nail this or rule out all
other potential explanation,

01:03:47.230 --> 01:03:50.160
but it's quite plausible
that what's happening here

01:03:50.160 --> 01:03:53.160
is that inequity,
students, when you're

01:03:53.160 --> 01:03:58.530
exposed to poor children, you
are essentially a bit more

01:03:58.530 --> 01:04:05.010
averse to inequality or inequity
across people, even in things,

01:04:05.010 --> 01:04:08.610
in fairly trivial things
such as dictator games.

01:04:08.610 --> 01:04:11.130
Now, I told you before,
that's a little bit funny

01:04:11.130 --> 01:04:13.620
because dictator games
obviously are very narrowly

01:04:13.620 --> 01:04:16.710
framing people and looking
at essentially very

01:04:16.710 --> 01:04:18.900
narrow outcomes.

01:04:18.900 --> 01:04:22.560
If we have, like, a 50/50
outcome in the dictator game,

01:04:22.560 --> 01:04:25.410
that doesn't mean that
our life is the same.

01:04:25.410 --> 01:04:27.660
You might be still
much richer than I am.

01:04:27.660 --> 01:04:30.450
So having sort of equal
outcomes in the dictator,

01:04:30.450 --> 01:04:32.910
the 50-50 allocation
in the dictator game,

01:04:32.910 --> 01:04:35.910
might be narrowly framed, in
that particular game, fair.

01:04:35.910 --> 01:04:38.730
But of course, it's not fair
in the grand scheme of things.

01:04:38.730 --> 01:04:41.180
But what seems to be
the case is that--

01:04:41.180 --> 01:04:43.230
and there's some other
evidence in the paper

01:04:43.230 --> 01:04:45.420
that you can read
if you would like.

01:04:45.420 --> 01:04:49.320
It seems to be the case
that rich children become

01:04:49.320 --> 01:04:53.160
more averse to unequal outcomes
in the world in general

01:04:53.160 --> 01:04:56.220
because they essentially
see these poor kids who

01:04:56.220 --> 01:04:59.160
are very smart and
are disadvantaged

01:04:59.160 --> 01:05:02.190
in terms of various
ways from having

01:05:02.190 --> 01:05:03.780
lower wealth of their parents.

01:05:03.780 --> 01:05:06.750
The rich kids become sort of
more adverse against that,

01:05:06.750 --> 01:05:09.660
and that translates
even into dictator games

01:05:09.660 --> 01:05:13.260
with other rich kids in a
very sort of minor thing

01:05:13.260 --> 01:05:15.250
in the world and in
these dictator games,

01:05:15.250 --> 01:05:17.250
again, even though these
dictator games actually

01:05:17.250 --> 01:05:18.210
don't change very much.

01:05:18.210 --> 01:05:21.550
But they really seem to
be averse to inequality

01:05:21.550 --> 01:05:25.650
of these outcomes and move
them from the 10-0 allocation

01:05:25.650 --> 01:05:31.910
to 50-50, even with
these rich kids.

01:05:31.910 --> 01:05:32.660
OK.

01:05:32.660 --> 01:05:35.240
So that was evidence
on social preferences

01:05:35.240 --> 01:05:37.070
as measured by dictator games.

01:05:37.070 --> 01:05:41.120
But people also had some
evidence on discrimination.

01:05:41.120 --> 01:05:45.210
In particular, a small field
experiment on team selection.

01:05:45.210 --> 01:05:47.390
So what does this study do?

01:05:47.390 --> 01:05:49.790
So its subjects
are, again, students

01:05:49.790 --> 01:05:51.660
from two elite private schools.

01:05:51.660 --> 01:05:55.970
So now, it's like two of these
selected schools are selected.

01:05:55.970 --> 01:05:57.650
One is a treatment school.

01:05:57.650 --> 01:05:59.060
One is a control group.

01:05:59.060 --> 01:06:03.830
And in addition, Gautam
invited athletic poor students

01:06:03.830 --> 01:06:04.790
from a public school.

01:06:04.790 --> 01:06:07.280
Importantly, he said,
athletic students-- these

01:06:07.280 --> 01:06:10.240
are students who are better
at sports than the rich kids.

01:06:10.240 --> 01:06:11.990
You might think the
poorer kids are better

01:06:11.990 --> 01:06:14.940
at sports than the rich kids
anyway, which is probably true.

01:06:14.940 --> 01:06:18.380
But now, these are particularly
athletic students on purpose

01:06:18.380 --> 01:06:22.940
who are invited to attend
a sports event as well.

01:06:22.940 --> 01:06:25.920
Now, students in this
experiment, in this game,

01:06:25.920 --> 01:06:29.570
must choose teammates
to run a relay race.

01:06:29.570 --> 01:06:35.480
Now, when you're a rich kid
who is thinking about who

01:06:35.480 --> 01:06:37.310
should be in my
team, you can either

01:06:37.310 --> 01:06:41.780
choose a rich kid who is
kind of like similar to you

01:06:41.780 --> 01:06:46.730
in social ways, or you
can choose a poor kid

01:06:46.730 --> 01:06:48.110
who you don't know very much.

01:06:48.110 --> 01:06:50.660
You might actually not
like the poor kids.

01:06:50.660 --> 01:06:54.840
But the poor kid is a lot
better in the running,

01:06:54.840 --> 01:06:56.990
so it might be much
better for you.

01:06:56.990 --> 01:06:59.150
You might be much more
likely to win in the game

01:06:59.150 --> 01:07:02.190
because now your partner in
the relay race is much faster.

01:07:02.190 --> 01:07:04.520
So it's a very nice
trade-off between ability--

01:07:04.520 --> 01:07:08.960
choosing the fast runner
versus social similarity.

01:07:08.960 --> 01:07:12.440
And now, what
Gautam then is doing

01:07:12.440 --> 01:07:16.340
is like, if you sort of
choose the rich kid, that's

01:07:16.340 --> 01:07:19.430
then a measure of discrimination
because essentially, you're

01:07:19.430 --> 01:07:23.870
choosing a worse
runner in favor of

01:07:23.870 --> 01:07:26.660
or because you want
more social similarity.

01:07:26.660 --> 01:07:28.820
You don't want to hang
out with a poor kid.

01:07:28.820 --> 01:07:30.680
Instead, you choose
the rich kid,

01:07:30.680 --> 01:07:32.990
which reduces your
chances in the race

01:07:32.990 --> 01:07:36.350
but increases your time
spent with the rich kids

01:07:36.350 --> 01:07:38.360
compared to poor kids.

01:07:38.360 --> 01:07:41.900
Let me tell you a little bit
more detail of the experiment.

01:07:41.900 --> 01:07:43.220
Stage 1 is randomization.

01:07:43.220 --> 01:07:47.810
So the people were randomized
to sessions with varying stakes.

01:07:47.810 --> 01:07:53.630
There's 50 rupees, 20 rupees,
500 rupees per student

01:07:53.630 --> 01:07:55.340
for the winning team.

01:07:55.340 --> 01:07:58.300
This is a lot of money compared
to students usual pocket money,

01:07:58.300 --> 01:07:58.800
right?

01:07:58.800 --> 01:08:02.450
So they would get something
like $10 or 500 rupees

01:08:02.450 --> 01:08:04.690
is like one month's
of pocket money.

01:08:04.690 --> 01:08:07.370
So that's really high
stakes for these kids.

01:08:07.370 --> 01:08:09.140
The price is
varied, essentially,

01:08:09.140 --> 01:08:10.760
because it lets us price out.

01:08:10.760 --> 01:08:12.770
It gives us a price
of discrimination.

01:08:12.770 --> 01:08:15.620
Lets us understand how much
are students willing to give up

01:08:15.620 --> 01:08:19.500
in order to not have to--

01:08:19.500 --> 01:08:23.450
or in order to be able to
socialize with the rich kids

01:08:23.450 --> 01:08:24.890
compared to the poor kid.

01:08:24.890 --> 01:08:28.250
There was a brief mixing
to start with to judge

01:08:28.250 --> 01:08:30.170
socioeconomic status.

01:08:30.170 --> 01:08:32.810
So the kids were allowed
to mingle a little bit.

01:08:32.810 --> 01:08:36.050
That would allow them to
fairly easily understand

01:08:36.050 --> 01:08:39.109
who was a poor kid
and who's a rich kid.

01:08:39.109 --> 01:08:40.069
OK.

01:08:40.069 --> 01:08:43.670
Stage number 2 was ability
revelation and team selection.

01:08:43.670 --> 01:08:47.029
So you could essentially
observe a two-person race.

01:08:47.029 --> 01:08:49.850
Usually, it's one poor
and one rich students.

01:08:49.850 --> 01:08:51.283
Neither is from the old school.

01:08:51.283 --> 01:08:52.700
So these are not
students that you

01:08:52.700 --> 01:08:56.540
would know from school anyway.

01:08:56.540 --> 01:08:59.149
But the uniforms make
the school identifiable.

01:08:59.149 --> 01:09:01.819
You kind of know who is the
rich kid and who's the poor kid.

01:09:01.819 --> 01:09:05.029
Now, then you can pick
which of these two runners

01:09:05.029 --> 01:09:07.140
you want to have
as your partners.

01:09:07.140 --> 01:09:10.939
So that is to say you
see them run one by one.

01:09:10.939 --> 01:09:13.609
It's very easy to see
who's faster and who's not.

01:09:13.609 --> 01:09:15.290
And so again,
discrimination here

01:09:15.290 --> 01:09:18.600
is interpreted as
picking the slow runner.

01:09:18.600 --> 01:09:22.189
So if you pick
the slower runner,

01:09:22.189 --> 01:09:25.370
then it must be because
you like something

01:09:25.370 --> 01:09:28.250
some other characteristics
about that person more.

01:09:28.250 --> 01:09:29.840
The obvious
characteristic here is

01:09:29.840 --> 01:09:34.380
that it's most likely going
to be that kid is rich.

01:09:34.380 --> 01:09:35.250
OK.

01:09:35.250 --> 01:09:41.189
Then stages 3 and 4 are
the choice implementation

01:09:41.189 --> 01:09:42.270
relay race.

01:09:42.270 --> 01:09:43.896
So students are
randomly picked to have

01:09:43.896 --> 01:09:44.979
their choices implemented.

01:09:44.979 --> 01:09:46.260
So some of those choices--

01:09:46.260 --> 01:09:48.029
this is, again, the
strategy method.

01:09:48.029 --> 01:09:50.790
Some of these choices were
actually randomly implemented.

01:09:50.790 --> 01:09:54.660
So there's plausible
deniability for the students

01:09:54.660 --> 01:10:01.440
in the sense of you could
just happen to be randomized

01:10:01.440 --> 01:10:05.520
or you happen to pick some
students versus another.

01:10:05.520 --> 01:10:07.080
It could just be
by chance that you

01:10:07.080 --> 01:10:09.058
are with one student
versus another.

01:10:09.058 --> 01:10:11.100
So you could-- your freedom
to choose essentially

01:10:11.100 --> 01:10:12.030
provide you cover.

01:10:12.030 --> 01:10:14.070
Sometimes, as we
discussed before,

01:10:14.070 --> 01:10:16.380
the computer is choosing, so
you always have an excuse.

01:10:16.380 --> 01:10:20.280
So it's intended to reveal
student's true preferences as

01:10:20.280 --> 01:10:22.140
opposed to perhaps
what they think

01:10:22.140 --> 01:10:26.190
that their friends want them
to choose or the other runners.

01:10:26.190 --> 01:10:28.020
Then the relay races
were actually held

01:10:28.020 --> 01:10:30.630
and prizes were
distributed as promised.

01:10:30.630 --> 01:10:34.840
Number 4, crucially, there
was a social interaction.

01:10:34.840 --> 01:10:37.770
So if you picked your
teammate, you actually

01:10:37.770 --> 01:10:40.980
had to spend two hours of
playing with a teammate.

01:10:40.980 --> 01:10:43.930
Board games, sports,
playgrounds, and so on.

01:10:43.930 --> 01:10:45.690
Importantly, this
was preannounce.

01:10:45.690 --> 01:10:49.680
So now, again, as I said before,
when picking your partner,

01:10:49.680 --> 01:10:52.350
you have the choice
between either picking

01:10:52.350 --> 01:10:55.230
the fast, poor kid,
which will really

01:10:55.230 --> 01:10:57.960
increase your
probability of winning,

01:10:57.960 --> 01:10:59.820
or the rich kid,
who is kind of slow

01:10:59.820 --> 01:11:03.240
and will reduce your
probability of winning.

01:11:03.240 --> 01:11:05.670
But if you pick that
poor kid or the rich kid,

01:11:05.670 --> 01:11:08.850
you have to actually spend
two hours with that teammate

01:11:08.850 --> 01:11:11.370
playing board games, sports,
playground, and so on,

01:11:11.370 --> 01:11:16.540
and you might not want to
do that with a poor kid.

01:11:16.540 --> 01:11:17.380
OK.

01:11:17.380 --> 01:11:21.310
So now, first, what is the
demand for discrimination?

01:11:21.310 --> 01:11:22.660
You can look at this graph.

01:11:22.660 --> 01:11:25.330
It shows very nicely for
the different prices.

01:11:25.330 --> 01:11:28.840
As I said, 500 rupees for
winning the race, 200 rupees,

01:11:28.840 --> 01:11:30.340
or 500 rupees.

01:11:30.340 --> 01:11:32.440
If you look at 500
rupees, this is again

01:11:32.440 --> 01:11:34.120
one months of pocket money.

01:11:34.120 --> 01:11:36.430
There's no difference
between treated and untreated

01:11:36.430 --> 01:11:37.190
classrooms.

01:11:37.190 --> 01:11:38.800
That is to say--

01:11:38.800 --> 01:11:41.560
so there's 10% of
people are, as you

01:11:41.560 --> 01:11:42.820
want, discriminating the poor.

01:11:42.820 --> 01:11:48.820
So this is less than 10%
is about 7%, 8% of students

01:11:48.820 --> 01:11:55.120
pick the rich kids, even in
the really, really high stakes

01:11:55.120 --> 01:11:55.870
race.

01:11:55.870 --> 01:11:58.360
That is to say, when the
stakes are 500 rupees,

01:11:58.360 --> 01:12:00.970
there are, like,
about 6%, 7%, 8%

01:12:00.970 --> 01:12:04.210
of students who still
pick the rich kids,

01:12:04.210 --> 01:12:06.130
and they sort of
take into account

01:12:06.130 --> 01:12:11.800
the chance that that
might lose them the race.

01:12:11.800 --> 01:12:16.450
But they don't have to spend
two hours with a poor kid then

01:12:16.450 --> 01:12:17.710
socializing.

01:12:17.710 --> 01:12:20.560
Now, when you look at the
lower prices, the fraction,

01:12:20.560 --> 01:12:23.020
as you expect-- this
is the red line.

01:12:23.020 --> 01:12:25.960
Sorry, this is the green
line, the upper line.

01:12:25.960 --> 01:12:28.270
The fraction who
choose the rich kids,

01:12:28.270 --> 01:12:29.770
the fraction who
were discriminating

01:12:29.770 --> 01:12:33.360
against the poor,
increases as you expect.

01:12:33.360 --> 01:12:35.200
So now, it becomes cheaper.

01:12:35.200 --> 01:12:37.990
The race is only 200
rupees or 50 rupees.

01:12:37.990 --> 01:12:41.110
You might be more inclined to
pick the rich kid because you

01:12:41.110 --> 01:12:43.510
know the value of
socializing stays the same,

01:12:43.510 --> 01:12:45.520
but the costs of
picking the rich kid,

01:12:45.520 --> 01:12:47.680
the cost of losing
the race, potentially

01:12:47.680 --> 01:12:51.760
at least is reduced.

01:12:51.760 --> 01:12:53.620
If you look at 50
rupees, the price

01:12:53.620 --> 01:12:59.890
of 50 rupees for the game,
for the relay race, that's

01:12:59.890 --> 01:13:03.460
about almost 40% of students
now pick the rich kid,

01:13:03.460 --> 01:13:05.650
even though that might
lose them the race.

01:13:05.650 --> 01:13:09.400
And now, crucially, in
red, the dashed line

01:13:09.400 --> 01:13:11.920
below, you can see the
treated classrooms.

01:13:11.920 --> 01:13:14.860
And what he finds is
that for 500 rupees, when

01:13:14.860 --> 01:13:17.518
the stakes are really, really
high, there's no effect.

01:13:17.518 --> 01:13:19.060
Essentially, it
doesn't really matter

01:13:19.060 --> 01:13:21.393
whether you are in a treated
or a not treated classroom,

01:13:21.393 --> 01:13:25.060
in part perhaps because there's
not much room for going lower

01:13:25.060 --> 01:13:25.940
than that.

01:13:25.940 --> 01:13:29.382
So essentially, there's
no effect on there

01:13:29.382 --> 01:13:31.840
because you know the stakes
are really, really high anyway.

01:13:31.840 --> 01:13:33.460
There's not much discrimination.

01:13:33.460 --> 01:13:35.555
And having had a treated--

01:13:35.555 --> 01:13:37.180
having had a poor
kid in your classroom

01:13:37.180 --> 01:13:39.220
doesn't really change that.

01:13:39.220 --> 01:13:42.820
But then, very clearly, for 250
rupees and 50 rupees, the lower

01:13:42.820 --> 01:13:45.670
stakes, there's a
clear difference

01:13:45.670 --> 01:13:48.050
between the green
and the red lines.

01:13:48.050 --> 01:13:51.400
That is to say, there's
a lot less discrimination

01:13:51.400 --> 01:13:52.780
towards the poor kids.

01:13:52.780 --> 01:13:54.970
Poor kids are a lot
more likely to be

01:13:54.970 --> 01:14:00.430
chosen when a student
has-- in treated classrooms

01:14:00.430 --> 01:14:03.070
when somebody had a poor
kid, another poor kid

01:14:03.070 --> 01:14:05.480
in that classroom
for several years.

01:14:05.480 --> 01:14:07.840
So that's to say there's--

01:14:07.840 --> 01:14:09.880
being exposed to
these poor children

01:14:09.880 --> 01:14:14.740
reduces discrimination among
the poor among the rich students

01:14:14.740 --> 01:14:15.520
subsequently.

01:14:18.260 --> 01:14:20.723
This is sort of the same graph
that I showed you before.

01:14:20.723 --> 01:14:23.140
Again, that's sort of consistent
with what we have before.

01:14:23.140 --> 01:14:26.170
It gets a little messier
than we had seen previously.

01:14:26.170 --> 01:14:29.440
But similarly, even
within classrooms,

01:14:29.440 --> 01:14:33.520
if you look at grades
2 and 3 versus 4 and 5,

01:14:33.520 --> 01:14:36.250
the effects seem to
be concentrated more

01:14:36.250 --> 01:14:40.680
pronounced in grades 2 and 3.

01:14:40.680 --> 01:14:46.290
Now, finally, as I said, we look
at test scores and discipline.

01:14:46.290 --> 01:14:48.390
So arguably, there are
some positive effects

01:14:48.390 --> 01:14:49.590
on social preferences.

01:14:49.590 --> 01:14:53.040
And as I said before, the
policy question now is,

01:14:53.040 --> 01:14:55.950
does that come at the cost
of academic achievement

01:14:55.950 --> 01:14:57.070
in some ways?

01:14:57.070 --> 01:14:59.520
So is it that the rich
kid now, by being exposed

01:14:59.520 --> 01:15:02.010
to the poor kids, may be
somewhat nicer and more

01:15:02.010 --> 01:15:05.460
friendly and less
discriminating against the poor?

01:15:05.460 --> 01:15:06.330
That's all and good.

01:15:06.330 --> 01:15:09.960
But is it the case now
that test scores go down?

01:15:09.960 --> 01:15:14.250
So Gautam finds no effect on
aggregate test score index

01:15:14.250 --> 01:15:16.440
or zero effect in
Hindi and math.

01:15:16.440 --> 01:15:22.230
There's a little bit of a
reduction in English scores

01:15:22.230 --> 01:15:25.320
of 0.9 standard deviations.

01:15:25.320 --> 01:15:27.480
That's marginally significant.

01:15:27.480 --> 01:15:34.810
That's suggestive but not
perhaps particularly large.

01:15:34.810 --> 01:15:36.807
So these effects are
not particularly large.

01:15:36.807 --> 01:15:39.390
And in particular, in aggregate,
so if you agree to everything

01:15:39.390 --> 01:15:43.350
together, there don't seem to
be any significant effects.

01:15:43.350 --> 01:15:47.550
So perhaps the English scores
are suggestive but sort of not

01:15:47.550 --> 01:15:48.870
particularly large.

01:15:48.870 --> 01:15:51.000
There's some mild
effect on discipline.

01:15:51.000 --> 01:15:52.980
Interestingly, there's
an increase in swearing.

01:15:52.980 --> 01:15:54.188
You think that's good or bad.

01:15:54.188 --> 01:15:55.260
You can think about that.

01:15:55.260 --> 01:15:58.710
But there seems to be a little
bit of an effect in terms

01:15:58.710 --> 01:16:01.620
of language uses.

01:16:01.620 --> 01:16:04.020
There's no effect on violent
and disruptive behavior,

01:16:04.020 --> 01:16:11.200
which you might think is a lot
more damaging, potentially.

01:16:11.200 --> 01:16:11.860
OK.

01:16:11.860 --> 01:16:14.230
So just summarizing,
what does the paper find?

01:16:14.230 --> 01:16:17.260
Well, having poor classmates
makes wealthy students

01:16:17.260 --> 01:16:19.180
more prosocial and generous.

01:16:19.180 --> 01:16:22.385
They're more likely to
volunteer for charities.

01:16:22.385 --> 01:16:24.760
I didn't show you that evidence,
but that's another piece

01:16:24.760 --> 01:16:26.110
of evidence that he finds.

01:16:26.110 --> 01:16:29.500
They're more likely to give
in money in dictator games

01:16:29.500 --> 01:16:32.500
to give them more higher
fractions of their shares

01:16:32.500 --> 01:16:33.820
in dictator games.

01:16:33.820 --> 01:16:37.940
They also choose more
equitable outcomes

01:16:37.940 --> 01:16:41.890
in sort of disinterested
third party games

01:16:41.890 --> 01:16:45.730
where essentially, you choose
between two other students

01:16:45.730 --> 01:16:47.073
and their allocation.

01:16:47.073 --> 01:16:48.490
So it's not just
that they're more

01:16:48.490 --> 01:16:51.310
likely to be willing to give
up money that others get,

01:16:51.310 --> 01:16:55.390
but also, they're more likely
to choose equal allocations

01:16:55.390 --> 01:16:57.845
in third party games
and disinterested games.

01:16:57.845 --> 01:16:59.470
Again, I didn't show
you that evidence.

01:16:59.470 --> 01:17:01.870
But it seems to be that
what's increasing here

01:17:01.870 --> 01:17:04.780
is sort of like
inequality aversion

01:17:04.780 --> 01:17:11.290
in these sort of disinterested
dictator or the types of games,

01:17:11.290 --> 01:17:14.080
where essentially, these
students, by being exposed

01:17:14.080 --> 01:17:19.420
to poor kids, are now more
averse against unequal outcomes

01:17:19.420 --> 01:17:21.130
in these types of games.

01:17:21.130 --> 01:17:23.710
Second, there is
less discrimination

01:17:23.710 --> 01:17:27.640
and more higher willingness
to socialize with the poor.

01:17:27.640 --> 01:17:31.300
They're more likely to
choose poor teammates

01:17:31.300 --> 01:17:32.830
in sports contests.

01:17:32.830 --> 01:17:34.810
They're also more willing
to attend playdates

01:17:34.810 --> 01:17:35.650
with poor children.

01:17:35.650 --> 01:17:38.200
Again, I didn't show
you that evidence.

01:17:38.200 --> 01:17:40.600
And then there's some
small, negative effect

01:17:40.600 --> 01:17:46.960
on academic outcomes that I
think are mostly negligible.

01:17:46.960 --> 01:17:50.230
Now, there's other work
on the contact hypothesis

01:17:50.230 --> 01:17:50.980
that I showed you.

01:17:50.980 --> 01:17:53.470
So the contact-- what is
the contact hypothesis?

01:17:53.470 --> 01:17:57.190
The contact hypothesis goes
back to at least Allport

01:17:57.190 --> 01:18:01.600
in 1954, which is the idea
that interpersonal contacts

01:18:01.600 --> 01:18:05.020
reduces prejudice until
certain conditions.

01:18:05.020 --> 01:18:08.290
And not just prejudice,
but also changes

01:18:08.290 --> 01:18:11.440
attitudes and social
preferences potentially.

01:18:11.440 --> 01:18:14.290
So Matt Lowe, who was a
PhD student here at MIT,

01:18:14.290 --> 01:18:17.680
has a very nice paper that
looks at cricket tournaments

01:18:17.680 --> 01:18:20.950
and asks the question whether
cricket leagues in India

01:18:20.950 --> 01:18:25.900
can increase cross-class
interaction in pro-sociology.

01:18:25.900 --> 01:18:28.810
So what he does is he
randomizes, essentially,

01:18:28.810 --> 01:18:31.300
cricket leagues and
teams in cricket leagues

01:18:31.300 --> 01:18:33.370
where people across
different castes

01:18:33.370 --> 01:18:36.710
are now more or less likely
to play with each other,

01:18:36.710 --> 01:18:39.790
both in terms of-- he
varies or there's variation

01:18:39.790 --> 01:18:42.010
in the study within teams.

01:18:42.010 --> 01:18:44.080
So are you more or
less likely to have

01:18:44.080 --> 01:18:46.780
a-- or some people are
more or less likely to have

01:18:46.780 --> 01:18:48.640
a lower or higher caste.

01:18:48.640 --> 01:18:51.550
So a person from a different
cast in their team.

01:18:51.550 --> 01:18:55.870
And he has variation in what
he calls adversarial contact,

01:18:55.870 --> 01:19:00.850
which is they're more or less
likely to be exposed to players

01:19:00.850 --> 01:19:04.450
from other teams in
higher or different castes

01:19:04.450 --> 01:19:05.840
from themselves.

01:19:05.840 --> 01:19:08.770
So if you're on the
team and have a person

01:19:08.770 --> 01:19:11.500
from a different caste on your
team, you're on the same team.

01:19:11.500 --> 01:19:15.170
You share the same objective,
and you want to win together.

01:19:15.170 --> 01:19:17.410
So now, having somebody
from a different caste

01:19:17.410 --> 01:19:20.230
or just somebody who's different
in various ways in your team

01:19:20.230 --> 01:19:23.620
might make you like them better.

01:19:23.620 --> 01:19:26.500
You might be sort of
more positive about them.

01:19:26.500 --> 01:19:28.900
You might be sort of more
likely to talk to them.

01:19:28.900 --> 01:19:30.233
You might learn about them.

01:19:30.233 --> 01:19:31.900
You might sort of see
some sides in them

01:19:31.900 --> 01:19:33.245
that you hadn't seen before.

01:19:33.245 --> 01:19:35.620
So you might be more like they
sort of empathize and look

01:19:35.620 --> 01:19:37.300
at sort of nice
characteristic of them

01:19:37.300 --> 01:19:39.790
and sort of update them
positively about people

01:19:39.790 --> 01:19:42.910
from other tasks, and that
changes your attitudes

01:19:42.910 --> 01:19:45.340
towards them in general.

01:19:45.340 --> 01:19:48.737
If, however, you play against
somebody from different castes,

01:19:48.737 --> 01:19:51.070
you might, actually-- that
might, actually, if anything,

01:19:51.070 --> 01:19:54.790
backfire, because you really
don't like your opponents.

01:19:54.790 --> 01:19:56.260
You might see them
very negatively.

01:19:56.260 --> 01:19:57.802
You might be aggressive
towards them.

01:19:57.802 --> 01:19:59.620
You might be unfriendly
towards them.

01:19:59.620 --> 01:20:01.660
You might sort of
not like that they

01:20:01.660 --> 01:20:03.320
win against you or the like.

01:20:03.320 --> 01:20:06.190
So I'll just add, these
adversarial interactions

01:20:06.190 --> 01:20:07.990
might actually
backfire in the sense

01:20:07.990 --> 01:20:09.760
that they might not
foster integration

01:20:09.760 --> 01:20:14.900
but actually sort of
make things worse.

01:20:14.900 --> 01:20:21.490
So Matt runs this experiment
and finds evidence of increased

01:20:21.490 --> 01:20:22.820
cross-caste interactions.

01:20:22.820 --> 01:20:25.810
So people are more likely
to be friends, more likely

01:20:25.810 --> 01:20:27.280
to hang out with others.

01:20:27.280 --> 01:20:30.850
They also are more generous
in dictator and other types

01:20:30.850 --> 01:20:31.870
of games.

01:20:31.870 --> 01:20:35.980
They also are more
likely to engage in trade

01:20:35.980 --> 01:20:37.630
or in economic exchange.

01:20:37.630 --> 01:20:40.390
So what Matt does is he
sort of randomizes gloves.

01:20:40.390 --> 01:20:42.490
It's like left gloves
and right gloves.

01:20:42.490 --> 01:20:43.990
And he does the
same for flip-flops.

01:20:43.990 --> 01:20:46.360
Left flip-flops and
right flip-flops.

01:20:46.360 --> 01:20:49.120
And people are more likely
to trade with somebody

01:20:49.120 --> 01:20:53.300
from another caste if they
ever been on the same team

01:20:53.300 --> 01:20:54.550
with people from other castes.

01:20:54.550 --> 01:20:56.217
If they have a higher
fraction of people

01:20:56.217 --> 01:21:00.610
on their team of people
from other castes,

01:21:00.610 --> 01:21:03.400
they're more likely to engage
in all these behaviors.

01:21:03.400 --> 01:21:05.710
They're more likely to have
cross-class interaction.

01:21:05.710 --> 01:21:07.690
More likely to be prosocial.

01:21:07.690 --> 01:21:10.060
More likely to engage
in economic exchange

01:21:10.060 --> 01:21:13.110
with people from other castes.

01:21:13.110 --> 01:21:17.270
So that's all true for
collaborative contact.

01:21:17.270 --> 01:21:21.470
That is to say, that's contact
with people on the same team.

01:21:21.470 --> 01:21:24.470
In contrast, for adversarial
interactions, when people

01:21:24.470 --> 01:21:28.460
are on the opposite team, having
more people from other castes

01:21:28.460 --> 01:21:31.730
or being exposed to more
people from other castes

01:21:31.730 --> 01:21:33.860
does not have these
positive effects

01:21:33.860 --> 01:21:36.630
and, for some of these outcomes,
have even negative effects.

01:21:36.630 --> 01:21:38.660
So if anything, that
sort of backfires.

01:21:38.660 --> 01:21:42.050
It doesn't-- just-- a
mere exposure to others,

01:21:42.050 --> 01:21:45.320
if you are sort of in an
adversarial contact situation,

01:21:45.320 --> 01:21:49.580
does not really foster
prosociology or any of these

01:21:49.580 --> 01:21:50.930
types of integration.

01:21:50.930 --> 01:21:52.970
If anything, it backfires.

01:21:52.970 --> 01:21:54.188
Now, why is that important?

01:21:54.188 --> 01:21:55.730
If you think about
like, for example,

01:21:55.730 --> 01:21:58.280
attitudes towards
immigrants, it really

01:21:58.280 --> 01:22:01.670
matters hugely what types of
contacts people are exposed to.

01:22:01.670 --> 01:22:04.880
If people have worked together
in the same team, if they have,

01:22:04.880 --> 01:22:09.440
perhaps, team pay, if they were
to work towards the same goal,

01:22:09.440 --> 01:22:11.990
really, it seems this
evidence suggests

01:22:11.990 --> 01:22:15.260
can foster prosociology
and so on and so forth

01:22:15.260 --> 01:22:18.590
that leads to integration,
reduce discrimination,

01:22:18.590 --> 01:22:19.980
and so on and so forth.

01:22:19.980 --> 01:22:22.010
So it's sort of the
incentives are aligned

01:22:22.010 --> 01:22:25.010
or if you could sort of set up
incentives that are aligned,

01:22:25.010 --> 01:22:26.990
people might become
nicer to each other

01:22:26.990 --> 01:22:31.040
and interactions
might be fostered.

01:22:31.040 --> 01:22:34.248
In contrast, if
contact is adversarial,

01:22:34.248 --> 01:22:36.290
if you're worried that
immigrants are taking away

01:22:36.290 --> 01:22:39.410
your jobs, being
exposed to immigrants

01:22:39.410 --> 01:22:41.240
might just do the opposite.

01:22:41.240 --> 01:22:43.010
So you might see a
lot of immigrants.

01:22:43.010 --> 01:22:44.840
But in a way, if
you feel like you're

01:22:44.840 --> 01:22:46.910
in computation with them,
if they're adversarial,

01:22:46.910 --> 01:22:49.010
if they're sort of your
enemies in some ways

01:22:49.010 --> 01:22:54.440
or your opponents in some
computation for a job,

01:22:54.440 --> 01:22:59.300
being exposed to them might
things, in fact, if anything,

01:22:59.300 --> 01:23:01.650
worse.

01:23:01.650 --> 01:23:04.790
Finally, there's another
piece of very nice evidence

01:23:04.790 --> 01:23:06.470
by Corno et al.

01:23:06.470 --> 01:23:09.710
This paper is
considering the impact

01:23:09.710 --> 01:23:11.750
of random interracial
interactions

01:23:11.750 --> 01:23:16.850
among college roommates in
South Africa on stereotypes,

01:23:16.850 --> 01:23:19.470
attitudes, and performance.

01:23:19.470 --> 01:23:21.230
So what they look
at, essentially,

01:23:21.230 --> 01:23:26.820
is roommates of
different race reduces--

01:23:26.820 --> 01:23:28.460
so these are black
and white students--

01:23:28.460 --> 01:23:31.880
reduces white students
stereotypes towards blacks

01:23:31.880 --> 01:23:35.360
and increases
interracial friendships.

01:23:35.360 --> 01:23:39.410
It also improves grades and
lowers dropouts among blacks.

01:23:39.410 --> 01:23:42.740
So there's sort of a
number of positive effects

01:23:42.740 --> 01:23:46.670
of a very simple
policy of increasing

01:23:46.670 --> 01:23:48.770
contacts among roommates.

01:23:48.770 --> 01:23:50.783
And again, if you think
about this evidence,

01:23:50.783 --> 01:23:53.450
it seems to suggest that perhaps
that's kind of like if you have

01:23:53.450 --> 01:23:56.090
a roommate that you're
going to live with for quite

01:23:56.090 --> 01:23:58.978
a while, that feels a lot
like collaborative contact

01:23:58.978 --> 01:24:00.770
in the sense of, like,
you're sort of stuck

01:24:00.770 --> 01:24:02.312
with that roommate
for quite a while,

01:24:02.312 --> 01:24:05.030
so you might as well sort
make the best out of it,

01:24:05.030 --> 01:24:07.103
even if you initially
don't like that person

01:24:07.103 --> 01:24:09.770
and you have the same objectives
of being happy together, living

01:24:09.770 --> 01:24:10.460
together.

01:24:10.460 --> 01:24:12.530
And that really seems
to foster and have

01:24:12.530 --> 01:24:14.570
some positive benefits.

01:24:17.680 --> 01:24:20.760
So taking together,
that sort of says, so A,

01:24:20.760 --> 01:24:24.270
the contact hypothesis
seems to be broadly right.

01:24:24.270 --> 01:24:27.480
Contact to people who
are different from you

01:24:27.480 --> 01:24:31.195
might make you more tolerant
or more prosocial towards them.

01:24:31.195 --> 01:24:32.820
There might be more
sort of integration

01:24:32.820 --> 01:24:34.180
of different groups.

01:24:34.180 --> 01:24:36.180
But what really seems
to matter quite a bit

01:24:36.180 --> 01:24:40.890
is the type of contact
that people are exposed to.

01:24:40.890 --> 01:24:43.170
So finally and
relatively quickly,

01:24:43.170 --> 01:24:45.840
I'll tell you a little bit about
whether people underestimate

01:24:45.840 --> 01:24:47.850
the benefits of prosociology.

01:24:47.850 --> 01:24:50.910
I should mention
that problem set

01:24:50.910 --> 01:24:54.960
3 question 2 is, in fact, trying
to ask you to do something

01:24:54.960 --> 01:24:56.220
related to that.

01:24:56.220 --> 01:24:58.470
So you might want to actually
do the problems at first

01:24:58.470 --> 01:25:00.280
before you finish this lecture.

01:25:00.280 --> 01:25:02.280
At least sort of-- sorry,
not the entire problem

01:25:02.280 --> 01:25:05.670
set, but question 2
of problems set 3.

01:25:05.670 --> 01:25:09.810
That will not take you
very long to do so,

01:25:09.810 --> 01:25:11.310
and it's more like
a fun exercise

01:25:11.310 --> 01:25:15.460
that I thought would be
nice for you to engage in.

01:25:15.460 --> 01:25:20.670
But anyway, this is a very
nice paper by Kumar and Epley.

01:25:20.670 --> 01:25:22.200
That's a typo here.

01:25:22.200 --> 01:25:25.230
It should say Kumar and Epley.

01:25:25.230 --> 01:25:27.660
And the officer is asked
the question about,

01:25:27.660 --> 01:25:32.110
do we have correct beliefs
about the impacts of generosity?

01:25:32.110 --> 01:25:34.260
And so what's the
underlying reason here is,

01:25:34.260 --> 01:25:37.710
well, many prosocial acts
require estimating the impacts

01:25:37.710 --> 01:25:39.150
on the recipient.

01:25:39.150 --> 01:25:41.400
If you give money to
somebody in Africa,

01:25:41.400 --> 01:25:46.800
if you help anybody and people
in need, if you donate money

01:25:46.800 --> 01:25:50.860
in general, if you write
letters of gratitude

01:25:50.860 --> 01:25:53.100
or if you do random
acts of kindness,

01:25:53.100 --> 01:25:55.970
it requires some sort
of estimation of,

01:25:55.970 --> 01:26:01.140
how is the other person going
to feel if they receive--

01:26:01.140 --> 01:26:04.380
if they are on the receiving
end of this prosocial act?

01:26:04.380 --> 01:26:06.750
Now, what Epley
and Kumar argue is

01:26:06.750 --> 01:26:10.710
people are subject to
egocentric bias, which

01:26:10.710 --> 01:26:13.290
may lead them to
systematically underestimate

01:26:13.290 --> 01:26:15.390
the positive impact
of prosociology.

01:26:15.390 --> 01:26:18.960
In this case, gratitude letters.

01:26:18.960 --> 01:26:20.040
And so why is that?

01:26:20.040 --> 01:26:23.130
Well, it's because predicting
others mental states is

01:26:23.130 --> 01:26:27.090
difficult. It's
really hard for people

01:26:27.090 --> 01:26:29.640
to understand how another
person might feel.

01:26:29.640 --> 01:26:31.710
Usually, people would sort
think about themselves

01:26:31.710 --> 01:26:35.590
and sort think about how would I
feel, and what would things be,

01:26:35.590 --> 01:26:36.690
and how are things like.

01:26:36.690 --> 01:26:42.100
And it's very hard to understand
how others might react to you.

01:26:42.100 --> 01:26:43.890
It sort of requires
perspective taking,

01:26:43.890 --> 01:26:48.300
and that's sometimes
tricky for people to do.

01:26:48.300 --> 01:26:50.790
So this is again a
very nice experiment

01:26:50.790 --> 01:26:54.390
by Kumar and Nicholas Epley.

01:26:54.390 --> 01:26:57.300
Not Nicholas last name,
but Nicholas Epley.

01:26:57.300 --> 01:27:00.630
And they test whether people
misunderstand the consequences

01:27:00.630 --> 01:27:02.530
of showing appreciation.

01:27:02.530 --> 01:27:04.410
And so what are
these experiments?

01:27:04.410 --> 01:27:06.510
There's a series of
experiments that look at this.

01:27:06.510 --> 01:27:07.830
What do they look like?

01:27:07.830 --> 01:27:10.920
But what they do
is they ask people,

01:27:10.920 --> 01:27:14.280
MBA students or
subjects in experiments,

01:27:14.280 --> 01:27:15.900
to pick a prosocial act.

01:27:15.900 --> 01:27:18.990
That's writing a gratitude
letter, for example.

01:27:18.990 --> 01:27:22.603
And then ask how the giver and
the recipient will be affected.

01:27:22.603 --> 01:27:25.020
In some cases, it's only the
recipient, and in some cases,

01:27:25.020 --> 01:27:27.300
also the giver.

01:27:27.300 --> 01:27:30.580
Then they perform the
prosocial act by, for example,

01:27:30.580 --> 01:27:32.350
writing a letter of gratitude.

01:27:32.350 --> 01:27:34.290
And then assess how the
giver under recipients

01:27:34.290 --> 01:27:36.850
were actually affected
by doing that.

01:27:36.850 --> 01:27:38.970
And then you can compare
that to item number 2.

01:27:38.970 --> 01:27:42.750
To the estimation x ante.

01:27:42.750 --> 01:27:44.130
Now, what do they find?

01:27:44.130 --> 01:27:47.548
They find clear evidence
that when you look at,

01:27:47.548 --> 01:27:49.590
like, in particular, when
you look at the giver--

01:27:49.590 --> 01:27:53.670
so these graphs all show kind
of the predicted ratings.

01:27:53.670 --> 01:27:59.700
The ratings is between 0 and
10 about what's the experience?

01:27:59.700 --> 01:28:02.070
How happy is the other person?

01:28:02.070 --> 01:28:05.820
What is the surprise about
receiving this letter

01:28:05.820 --> 01:28:07.630
of gratitude in this example?

01:28:07.630 --> 01:28:10.200
So people are more
surprised than predicted.

01:28:10.200 --> 01:28:12.300
They are also more
surprised about the content

01:28:12.300 --> 01:28:15.180
than predicted.

01:28:15.180 --> 01:28:17.550
They're also-- the
recipients mood

01:28:17.550 --> 01:28:19.830
is actually better
than predicted.

01:28:19.830 --> 01:28:23.670
And the awkwardness is
also better than predicted.

01:28:23.670 --> 01:28:26.760
So when you ask people to
write letters of gratitude,

01:28:26.760 --> 01:28:29.640
people tend to
say, oh, you know,

01:28:29.640 --> 01:28:33.810
it's going to be tedious
to do, and the other person

01:28:33.810 --> 01:28:35.550
might feel it's awkward.

01:28:35.550 --> 01:28:37.210
And what am I going to say?

01:28:37.210 --> 01:28:39.330
And is it going to be weird
when I'm going to say?

01:28:39.330 --> 01:28:41.850
Is the person-- don't
they know already

01:28:41.850 --> 01:28:45.360
anyway that I'm really
appreciate of that person?

01:28:45.360 --> 01:28:46.330
And so on.

01:28:46.330 --> 01:28:49.830
So people come up with all sorts
of reasons why they might not

01:28:49.830 --> 01:28:50.910
want to do that.

01:28:50.910 --> 01:28:53.580
If you sort of introspect and
ask yourself how many letters

01:28:53.580 --> 01:28:57.930
of gratitude have you written
in the last year, that doesn't--

01:28:57.930 --> 01:29:00.510
few people actually
do that in practice.

01:29:00.510 --> 01:29:03.390
And perhaps some of these
reasons like the perceived

01:29:03.390 --> 01:29:05.910
awkwardness or perhaps
sort of the underestimation

01:29:05.910 --> 01:29:09.973
of the recipient's mood
might contribute to that.

01:29:09.973 --> 01:29:11.640
Now, if you also think
for a little bit,

01:29:11.640 --> 01:29:15.210
like, how would one actually
feel to receive these letters,

01:29:15.210 --> 01:29:17.005
it's pretty obvious
once you think about it

01:29:17.005 --> 01:29:19.380
that most people are actually
quite happy about receiving

01:29:19.380 --> 01:29:19.980
such letters.

01:29:19.980 --> 01:29:21.930
It's kind of nice if
somebody tells you, look.

01:29:21.930 --> 01:29:25.200
You did something really
nice for me some time

01:29:25.200 --> 01:29:28.560
a long time ago, and this
helped me a lot in my career

01:29:28.560 --> 01:29:32.700
in whatever way, or getting
into school, into college

01:29:32.700 --> 01:29:33.900
or whatever it might be.

01:29:33.900 --> 01:29:35.880
It's really nice to sort
of hear from somebody

01:29:35.880 --> 01:29:38.190
that you did something
nice in their life

01:29:38.190 --> 01:29:42.270
that people are
quite happy about.

01:29:42.270 --> 01:29:46.830
Now, what's sort of some
evidence, some summary of that?

01:29:46.830 --> 01:29:49.230
Well, so we tend to
systematically underestimate

01:29:49.230 --> 01:29:53.010
other's appreciated and
expressions of gratitude.

01:29:53.010 --> 01:29:56.220
That's also true for some
other types of effect.

01:29:56.220 --> 01:29:59.640
That tends to be also true
for random acts of kindness.

01:29:59.640 --> 01:30:04.050
People tend to be surprisingly
more happy about those

01:30:04.050 --> 01:30:05.520
compared to predicted.

01:30:05.520 --> 01:30:07.770
It's also true-- so
Epley and Schroeder

01:30:07.770 --> 01:30:10.360
argue for social connections.

01:30:10.360 --> 01:30:13.200
So people also
underestimate on average

01:30:13.200 --> 01:30:14.880
how they themselves
and others feel

01:30:14.880 --> 01:30:16.047
when starting conversations.

01:30:16.047 --> 01:30:18.570
So what this experiment does
is this gets people to-- it

01:30:18.570 --> 01:30:22.620
randomized people to start
conversations during commuting

01:30:22.620 --> 01:30:24.190
on buses or trains.

01:30:24.190 --> 01:30:26.430
And once people start
doing that-- again,

01:30:26.430 --> 01:30:29.640
before, when you ask them, like,
how is the other person going

01:30:29.640 --> 01:30:31.140
to feel, how are
you going to feel,

01:30:31.140 --> 01:30:34.920
and so on, people will say,
well, it's going to be awkward.

01:30:34.920 --> 01:30:36.540
And what are we
going to talk about?

01:30:36.540 --> 01:30:38.207
And is the other
person even interested?

01:30:38.207 --> 01:30:39.348
And so on.

01:30:39.348 --> 01:30:40.890
But when you actually
do that, people

01:30:40.890 --> 01:30:43.260
seem to be quite happy to
have started conversations

01:30:43.260 --> 01:30:45.600
and making human connection.

01:30:45.600 --> 01:30:47.195
To be clear, not
everybody is happy.

01:30:47.195 --> 01:30:48.570
Some people might
be also grumpy.

01:30:48.570 --> 01:30:51.360
But the vast majority, at
least in these types of study,

01:30:51.360 --> 01:30:54.480
seem to be quite
happy about initiating

01:30:54.480 --> 01:30:57.180
social contact,
about expressions,

01:30:57.180 --> 01:31:00.750
letters of gratitude, or things
like random acts of kindness.

01:31:00.750 --> 01:31:02.250
It's really nice
if somebody happens

01:31:02.250 --> 01:31:04.830
to be something to do
something nice towards you.

01:31:04.830 --> 01:31:07.980
Could be like a random person
who you've never seen before

01:31:07.980 --> 01:31:09.030
and you never see again.

01:31:09.030 --> 01:31:11.530
Just some random person on the
street is really nice to you.

01:31:11.530 --> 01:31:12.970
That might make your day.

01:31:12.970 --> 01:31:15.690
It could be also
somebody who quite well,

01:31:15.690 --> 01:31:18.990
and he's a good
friend, and who just

01:31:18.990 --> 01:31:20.910
wants to do something
nice for you

01:31:20.910 --> 01:31:23.080
for no good, apparent reasons.

01:31:23.080 --> 01:31:25.230
So one caveat to these
kinds of experiments

01:31:25.230 --> 01:31:28.265
is these are very much
like one-short, short

01:31:28.265 --> 01:31:28.890
interreactions.

01:31:28.890 --> 01:31:31.200
These are one-time interactions,
and then the effects

01:31:31.200 --> 01:31:32.080
are measured.

01:31:32.080 --> 01:31:33.780
So there are some
questions about,

01:31:33.780 --> 01:31:36.430
do these effects persist
for repeat interactions?

01:31:36.430 --> 01:31:40.190
That is to say, like, maybe
if you do that once, people

01:31:40.190 --> 01:31:41.340
are quite happy.

01:31:41.340 --> 01:31:44.320
But when you try it more often,
these effects tend to go away.

01:31:44.320 --> 01:31:46.820
So there's a bit of a question
kind of like, how persistent,

01:31:46.820 --> 01:31:48.450
how important are
these in practice

01:31:48.450 --> 01:31:52.160
if you do that more often in
particular in the long run?

01:31:52.160 --> 01:31:55.010
And then another
important question

01:31:55.010 --> 01:31:57.380
here is then the
question about always

01:31:57.380 --> 01:32:00.960
under-investing in prosociology
in terms of our behavior.

01:32:00.960 --> 01:32:04.760
So lots of people who
tend to be quite selfish

01:32:04.760 --> 01:32:07.220
and do good things for
themselves and not so much

01:32:07.220 --> 01:32:08.288
others--

01:32:08.288 --> 01:32:09.830
presumably, they do
that because they

01:32:09.830 --> 01:32:11.930
want to make themselves happy.

01:32:11.930 --> 01:32:14.600
Presumably, people who do
nice things towards others

01:32:14.600 --> 01:32:17.120
to some degree do
that because they want

01:32:17.120 --> 01:32:18.830
to make the other person happy.

01:32:18.830 --> 01:32:23.960
In part perhaps
because of social image

01:32:23.960 --> 01:32:26.130
and self-image concerns.

01:32:26.130 --> 01:32:30.170
But one important hypothesis
that Epley and others raises

01:32:30.170 --> 01:32:34.640
the question of, like, well, are
we underestimating how good it

01:32:34.640 --> 01:32:37.070
might not only make
others feel but also

01:32:37.070 --> 01:32:39.350
ourselves feel from being nice?

01:32:39.350 --> 01:32:43.190
That is to say, perhaps, one
easy way of making ourselves

01:32:43.190 --> 01:32:47.840
happy is not just by being
selfish and maximizing whatever

01:32:47.840 --> 01:32:51.980
outcomes but really, being
nice towards others, in part

01:32:51.980 --> 01:32:54.170
perhaps because it just
makes us happy to see

01:32:54.170 --> 01:32:55.400
when others are happy.

01:32:55.400 --> 01:32:57.770
Perhaps it makes us
happy because others

01:32:57.770 --> 01:32:59.600
will be then nicer to us.

01:32:59.600 --> 01:33:01.100
And there's a
question about, can we

01:33:01.100 --> 01:33:04.070
make others and
ourselves happier

01:33:04.070 --> 01:33:08.030
by being more prosocial,
perhaps because we

01:33:08.030 --> 01:33:13.113
underestimate to start with
what these effects might be?

01:33:13.113 --> 01:33:14.780
I don't think there's
that much evidence

01:33:14.780 --> 01:33:17.430
on this specific question,
but I'd love to learn more.

01:33:17.430 --> 01:33:19.170
And when you think
about your own life,

01:33:19.170 --> 01:33:21.860
you might want to
experiment for a while

01:33:21.860 --> 01:33:24.800
and seeing trying
to be nice or trying

01:33:24.800 --> 01:33:28.910
to engage in random acts of
kindness, letters of gratitude

01:33:28.910 --> 01:33:31.760
and so on, that might be
a nice habit to acquire.

01:33:31.760 --> 01:33:35.990
And you might see it may or
might not make you happier.

01:33:35.990 --> 01:33:39.230
Surely, it will make the other
person on the receiving end

01:33:39.230 --> 01:33:40.710
happier.

01:33:40.710 --> 01:33:41.210
OK.

01:33:41.210 --> 01:33:44.090
So let me sort of
summarize what we learned

01:33:44.090 --> 01:33:46.220
or what we studied on
social preferences.

01:33:46.220 --> 01:33:49.940
So first, others' outcomes and
utility matter for people's

01:33:49.940 --> 01:33:51.960
choices quite a bit.

01:33:51.960 --> 01:33:54.380
So in various situations,
essentially, people

01:33:54.380 --> 01:33:56.600
are willing to give to
others, and they're influenced

01:33:56.600 --> 01:33:58.760
by others in their choices.

01:33:58.760 --> 01:34:01.010
Now, upon closer
look, there's not

01:34:01.010 --> 01:34:02.900
much evidence of pure altruism.

01:34:02.900 --> 01:34:05.810
Rarely does it seem that
people just do stuff for others

01:34:05.810 --> 01:34:08.520
just for the sake of
others doing well.

01:34:08.520 --> 01:34:11.990
That is to say, if people
get the chance of hiding

01:34:11.990 --> 01:34:14.630
they're not so nice
actions, they will often

01:34:14.630 --> 01:34:16.770
take advantage of that.

01:34:16.770 --> 01:34:19.190
The motivation there
often is instead

01:34:19.190 --> 01:34:21.650
motivation to give to
others or be nice to others

01:34:21.650 --> 01:34:25.470
to be prosocial is often saving
face in front of others--

01:34:25.470 --> 01:34:26.690
this is social image--

01:34:26.690 --> 01:34:30.330
or themselves,
which is self-image.

01:34:30.330 --> 01:34:34.310
So here-- and because of that,
situational circumstances

01:34:34.310 --> 01:34:35.090
matter greatly.

01:34:35.090 --> 01:34:38.160
Societal norms are really
important to consider.

01:34:38.160 --> 01:34:39.830
So when you think
about incentives

01:34:39.830 --> 01:34:42.750
or any sort of types of
structures and organizations,

01:34:42.750 --> 01:34:44.030
how might you--

01:34:44.030 --> 01:34:48.500
incentives, or how might be sort
of a structure certain groups

01:34:48.500 --> 01:34:51.830
of people working together,
understanding these norms

01:34:51.830 --> 01:34:55.170
and circumstances is key
for fostering prosociology.

01:34:55.170 --> 01:34:57.090
If you want people to
be nice to each other,

01:34:57.090 --> 01:35:00.710
you have to set it up in a
way that it's maybe observable

01:35:00.710 --> 01:35:02.280
what people do.

01:35:02.280 --> 01:35:03.110
It's encouraged.

01:35:03.110 --> 01:35:06.660
There's opportunities for
reciprocity, and so on.

01:35:06.660 --> 01:35:08.720
So a lot of the
design of society,

01:35:08.720 --> 01:35:10.880
of a firm, of a group
that you work in

01:35:10.880 --> 01:35:14.180
or a team that you work
in really seems to matter.

01:35:14.180 --> 01:35:16.050
So on the one hand,
as I said before,

01:35:16.050 --> 01:35:18.050
it's a little bit
disappointing that there's not

01:35:18.050 --> 01:35:19.280
much pure altruism.

01:35:19.280 --> 01:35:21.890
But on the other hand,
if you sort of understand

01:35:21.890 --> 01:35:24.950
the motivations for
people being to engage

01:35:24.950 --> 01:35:28.640
in acts that are
good for others,

01:35:28.640 --> 01:35:31.430
you can sort of design
incentives and structures

01:35:31.430 --> 01:35:36.470
that people work in accordingly,
which will then create people

01:35:36.470 --> 01:35:40.110
being friendly and
cooperative to each other.

01:35:40.110 --> 01:35:42.020
Second, I showed you
that social preferences

01:35:42.020 --> 01:35:44.990
matter at workplaces.

01:35:44.990 --> 01:35:47.720
Relative pay can depress
incentives to work.

01:35:47.720 --> 01:35:49.100
This is evidenced by Bandiera.

01:35:49.100 --> 01:35:50.930
The fruit pickers
that I showed you.

01:35:50.930 --> 01:35:53.990
Pay inequality can lower
performance via reduced morale.

01:35:53.990 --> 01:35:56.030
So in particular,
if pay inequality

01:35:56.030 --> 01:36:01.250
is seemingly unjustified, that's
really bad for worker morale

01:36:01.250 --> 01:36:05.180
and might lower our
worker outputs and sort

01:36:05.180 --> 01:36:08.460
of attendance and so on.

01:36:08.460 --> 01:36:12.200
Third, social preferences appear
to be malleable and shaped

01:36:12.200 --> 01:36:14.810
by external factors.

01:36:14.810 --> 01:36:17.720
In particular, there's
evidence in favor

01:36:17.720 --> 01:36:20.030
of the contact hypothesis.

01:36:20.030 --> 01:36:23.600
Being exposed to others from
different backgrounds really

01:36:23.600 --> 01:36:26.930
seems to make us more
tolerant and more

01:36:26.930 --> 01:36:30.420
understanding, more prosocial
towards these other groups.

01:36:30.420 --> 01:36:33.410
But also more prosocial
perhaps in general, which

01:36:33.410 --> 01:36:35.630
is the evidence by Gautam Rao.

01:36:35.630 --> 01:36:38.910
And then finally,
there's some evidence

01:36:38.910 --> 01:36:43.090
that biased beliefs may lower
prosociology in the sense

01:36:43.090 --> 01:36:47.370
that people might under-invest
potentially in how nice

01:36:47.370 --> 01:36:50.700
they are to others perhaps
because they misunderstand

01:36:50.700 --> 01:36:53.970
what the effective of
engaging on such a prosocial

01:36:53.970 --> 01:36:56.080
act might have on others.

01:36:56.080 --> 01:36:59.550
And so potentially correcting
these beliefs or experimenting

01:36:59.550 --> 01:37:02.220
might sort of increase
prosociology, at least

01:37:02.220 --> 01:37:04.830
in some settings.

01:37:04.830 --> 01:37:06.285
Now, what's coming next?

01:37:06.285 --> 01:37:07.410
What are the next lectures?

01:37:07.410 --> 01:37:10.180
Lecture number 14 is
about limited attention.

01:37:10.180 --> 01:37:13.240
15 is about projection
and attribution bias.

01:37:13.240 --> 01:37:15.420
This is the idea
that people have

01:37:15.420 --> 01:37:18.000
trouble projecting
how they might

01:37:18.000 --> 01:37:19.810
feel on different
states of the world.

01:37:19.810 --> 01:37:21.900
That is the idea if
you're really hungry,

01:37:21.900 --> 01:37:24.630
it's really hard to project how
you might feel when you're not

01:37:24.630 --> 01:37:26.220
hungry and vise versa.

01:37:26.220 --> 01:37:27.870
We're going to look at that.

01:37:27.870 --> 01:37:30.960
In lecture 16 and 17, we'll
look more specifically

01:37:30.960 --> 01:37:32.460
about beliefs and learning.

01:37:32.460 --> 01:37:34.020
We talked a little
bit about beliefs

01:37:34.020 --> 01:37:35.520
already in various ways.

01:37:35.520 --> 01:37:37.320
But now, we're going
to talk specifically

01:37:37.320 --> 01:37:40.140
about biases in
beliefs and learning,

01:37:40.140 --> 01:37:44.640
as in people sub-optimally
learning perhaps because

01:37:44.640 --> 01:37:46.860
of computational issues
in the sense that it's

01:37:46.860 --> 01:37:48.990
really hard to learn
in some settings,

01:37:48.990 --> 01:37:51.390
in part because of
motivated beliefs.

01:37:51.390 --> 01:37:56.250
People might drive utility
from their beliefs.

01:37:56.250 --> 01:37:58.080
As in, for example,
I might want to think

01:37:58.080 --> 01:38:03.220
that I'm a good-looking,
smart, and a good teacher.

01:38:03.220 --> 01:38:06.030
And if I get feedback
on one way or the other,

01:38:06.030 --> 01:38:08.820
I might react to positive
feedback a lot more.

01:38:08.820 --> 01:38:11.145
I might sort of update
positively if somebody says,

01:38:11.145 --> 01:38:12.270
Frank, you're really smart.

01:38:12.270 --> 01:38:14.070
I might sort of
update positively

01:38:14.070 --> 01:38:15.960
because I feel
really good about it.

01:38:15.960 --> 01:38:18.180
If somebody says instead,
Frank, you're not so smart,

01:38:18.180 --> 01:38:20.100
I might mostly
ignore that feedback

01:38:20.100 --> 01:38:24.290
because it might make me
feel bad about myself.

01:38:24.290 --> 01:38:26.080
So that's all for now.

01:38:26.080 --> 01:38:27.950
Thank you so much.