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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
OK, let's get underway.

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Yeah, this thing is on.

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Any burning questions
from last time?

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Any debate points you really had
to make, and didn't get made?

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OK.

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Today we're talking
about path dependence.

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Sorry.

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You were raising your
hand, or was that a wave?

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AUDIENCE: Yeah.

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I didn't say much yesterday,
but on the note of labor and--

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a lot of times I'm on the
labor side of things yesterday,

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or at least a bit of it.

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And people were talking about
how providing, let's say,

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workers' rights, union rights,
et cetera, things like that,

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would impede the freedom
of the working process.

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And I feel that almost every
industrialized country nowadays

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has gone through this process
of horrible workers' rights

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to a system more like
we have now, let's say.

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China's going through what we
did 100 years ago currently,

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with some of their whole
stuff, with workers working

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way too long shifts, and
there being not much safety

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on chemicals, et cetera,
et cetera, et cetera.

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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: You're
just arguing that Sutherland was

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on the wrong side of history.

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Yes?

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And so what we've come to is
where we should have come?

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AUDIENCE: Kind of--

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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: Kind of--

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OK.

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But you could understand
how, circa 1935--

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wasn't obvious which was
the right side of history.

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It is now, of course.

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AUDIENCE: You could
say hindsight's 2020,

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but if someone's
working 10 hours a day

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in highly dangerous
conditions, you

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might say that's not
kosher then either.

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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: The
right side of the room

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would have replied, and
maybe will reply, that--

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take another job, if
you don't like it.

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Become an investment banker.

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Come on.

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AUDIENCE: There are high
impedances to doing [INAUDIBLE]

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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: There are.

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There are.

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Good set of points-- didn't
mean to put you down.

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One the problems with doing
that case is we sort of

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know how it worked
out after that.

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We know that Cardozo
and the whole

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you got to allow more
regulation of the market

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to make-- for a variety
of reasons, triumphed.

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But I'm not enough
of a determinist

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to think that was inevitable.

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It happened, and it
happened lots of places.

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AUDIENCE: It took a long
time for that to happen.

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RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: It did.

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It did.

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Anything else on last time?

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OK.

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What I want to do today is
talk about path dependence.

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And let me just do
a little visual.

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We always like to think
that choices get made,

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you look at the
alternatives, and the choices

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are the obvious
rational choices.

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So we use the
energy systems that

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make the most sense to use.

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And let me just
anecdotally suggest

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that can't be right, just that
statement that, at any point

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in time, we're obviously
using the systems that

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are the, technically, or
even economically, best.

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The reason is, if you look
across rich countries,

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they make different choices with
the same available technology,

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the same rough
standards of living.

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So here's rush hour in
Copenhagen. The city's designed

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for bicycling.

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Lots of people use bicycles.

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You got similar
photos from Amsterdam.

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I've got friends who
have moved to Amsterdam.

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They never drive.

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They bicycle every place.

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It's just a different
system of urban design.

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We've got bicycles.

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We could have gone
that direction.

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There's a Japanese
high-speed train.

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They've had high-speed
trains for a long time.

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We don't really have any.

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There are a bunch
of them in Europe.

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We've decided not to.

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Oh, that's the thing
we saw earlier.

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That's that diagram for
France that's shorthand for,

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and they decided to use
a lot of nuclear power--

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more than anybody
else decided to do.

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Everybody had
those technologies.

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Certainly, everybody
had bicycles and people

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can build trains.

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Different countries
made different choices.

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And just to gild the lily,
that's the Paris subway system.

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I have a sister who lives
in Munich, who occasionally

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visits us and talks about our
third-world subway system.

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And I point out,
that's really an insult

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to places like Mexico City
that have pretty decent subway

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systems.

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But Paris and London--

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I couldn't find a great
London picture-- have clearly

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made much greater investments
in that energy using technology

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than we have.

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That's a trolley in Munich.

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There are a lot of them.

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They're fast.

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They're efficient.

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They're everywhere.

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That is a Swiss
railway schedule.

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That's, how do you get
from the Zurich airport

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to Davos, where the World
Economic Forum is held?

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And I've actually done this.

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Those trains arrive
on the minute.

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There is no, gee, I wonder
when the train's coming.

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The train is due at 3:41.

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The train is there at 3:41,
unless something terrible

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has happened.

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So that's lots of
very convenient ways

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you can get from
the Zurich airport

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to this little village in
the mountains in a couple

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hours very reliably.

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There's equivalent operations
elsewhere in Europe,

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but the Swiss really
stand out in terms

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of having invested in a very
efficient, very reliable system

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of rail transport from
little towns to little towns.

00:06:53.130 --> 00:06:56.100
And that's a solar
field in Germany,

00:06:56.100 --> 00:06:58.170
where the Germans--
again, same technology

00:06:58.170 --> 00:07:03.430
we have-- have decided to put a
lot of money into solar power.

00:07:03.430 --> 00:07:08.805
So it can't be the
case that, once you

00:07:08.805 --> 00:07:10.830
know the level of
income and once

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the available technologies,
the choices follow.

00:07:16.170 --> 00:07:19.416
The processes must be
different from that,

00:07:19.416 --> 00:07:22.540
from just rational calculation.

00:07:22.540 --> 00:07:24.960
At the very least, that
story's incomplete, right?

00:07:24.960 --> 00:07:30.270
Because what determines what
are the technologies available?

00:07:30.270 --> 00:07:32.640
What determines where the
innovation dollars go?

00:07:32.640 --> 00:07:34.740
What determines
whether you spend

00:07:34.740 --> 00:07:36.600
money making automobiles
more efficient

00:07:36.600 --> 00:07:39.060
or nuclear power
plants more efficient?

00:07:39.060 --> 00:07:43.920
So at the very least, the
set of technologies available

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isn't given from heaven, and
the choices aren't necessarily

00:07:51.270 --> 00:07:53.190
done on a spreadsheet--
because if they

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were done on a spreadsheet,
lots of countries

00:07:56.550 --> 00:07:58.410
would make very similar choices.

00:07:58.410 --> 00:08:00.810
And in fact, we see
lots of rich countries

00:08:00.810 --> 00:08:04.830
making very different choices.

00:08:04.830 --> 00:08:09.990
We'll talk a lot about this,
but people make choices.

00:08:09.990 --> 00:08:13.170
It's very standard to say
the market makes choices.

00:08:13.170 --> 00:08:16.770
People make choices in
their individual demands.

00:08:16.770 --> 00:08:20.460
People make choices in
collective decision making

00:08:20.460 --> 00:08:22.260
in politics.

00:08:22.260 --> 00:08:27.180
Those choices reflect a lot of
things, as we'll talk about,

00:08:27.180 --> 00:08:30.870
but countries have
different cultures,

00:08:30.870 --> 00:08:32.760
countries have
different histories,

00:08:32.760 --> 00:08:35.429
countries make
different choices.

00:08:35.429 --> 00:08:41.100
Besides those examples-- it's
really a fascinating historical

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exercise-- if you look at
Chinese technology circa 1500

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or 1600 AD, there are
a number of areas--

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including, in particular,
ships, in which China

00:08:54.180 --> 00:08:56.700
is far ahead of the West--

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China did not exploit
those advantages,

00:08:59.880 --> 00:09:02.750
for a variety of reasons--

00:09:02.750 --> 00:09:06.600
cultural reasons, primarily.

00:09:06.600 --> 00:09:12.150
If you think about the
cultural decision in Denmark

00:09:12.150 --> 00:09:14.430
and in Holland to
retain reliance

00:09:14.430 --> 00:09:18.290
on bicycles as a
main urban transport,

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as opposed to, say, China
where, years ago, you

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would go to a Chinese city-- you
would see hordes of bicycles.

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Now you see hordes
of cars not moving.

00:09:29.030 --> 00:09:31.850
But China switched.

00:09:31.850 --> 00:09:32.750
Denmark didn't.

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Holland didn't-- chose not to.

00:09:35.820 --> 00:09:37.370
So what I want to
talk about is not

00:09:37.370 --> 00:09:42.320
that whole set of complexities
affecting decisions,

00:09:42.320 --> 00:09:45.080
because it is interesting--
and we'll spend a lot of time

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on it as we go forward.

00:09:46.620 --> 00:09:48.470
I want to just
talk about history

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and the influence of history--

00:09:51.710 --> 00:09:57.860
three different versions
of path dependence--

00:09:57.860 --> 00:10:01.820
not all of them necessarily
deserving the name,

00:10:01.820 --> 00:10:04.580
but all of them having to do
with the way history matters.

00:10:07.110 --> 00:10:11.420
So the first one is
many energy systems

00:10:11.420 --> 00:10:13.580
involved durable capital.

00:10:13.580 --> 00:10:16.415
In fact, durable
capital's important.

00:10:16.415 --> 00:10:19.880
Now, just because I
love to pull pictures,

00:10:19.880 --> 00:10:23.630
there's the railroad system.

00:10:23.630 --> 00:10:26.300
There are tracks laid
down in the 1860s that

00:10:26.300 --> 00:10:28.600
are still in use.

00:10:28.600 --> 00:10:32.510
There's a really particularly
ugly power plant.

00:10:32.510 --> 00:10:35.480
I think that one was
built in the 1920s,

00:10:35.480 --> 00:10:39.140
but there is a power plant
in Salem, Massachusetts

00:10:39.140 --> 00:10:44.130
that was first built in 1951,
that is still operating.

00:10:44.130 --> 00:10:45.140
Half of it's shut down.

00:10:45.140 --> 00:10:47.240
Half of it's still operating.

00:10:47.240 --> 00:10:49.490
There are power lines.

00:10:49.490 --> 00:10:52.890
They last a long time.

00:10:52.890 --> 00:10:54.790
There's an oil refinery.

00:10:54.790 --> 00:10:59.100
They also last a
pretty long time.

00:10:59.100 --> 00:11:02.400
There's the highway system.

00:11:02.400 --> 00:11:06.540
If it weren't for
heavy trucks, I'm told,

00:11:06.540 --> 00:11:09.810
highways would be
essentially eternal.

00:11:09.810 --> 00:11:12.970
Cars don't damage highways.

00:11:12.970 --> 00:11:13.728
Yeah?

00:11:13.728 --> 00:11:16.186
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE] I'm from
Chicago, and we did a lot of

00:11:16.186 --> 00:11:17.802
[INAUDIBLE]

00:11:17.802 --> 00:11:19.260
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
That'll do it.

00:11:19.260 --> 00:11:19.500
Yeah.

00:11:19.500 --> 00:11:20.280
Time will do it.

00:11:20.280 --> 00:11:23.268
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE] I went to
California for the first time

00:11:23.268 --> 00:11:26.007
last year, and I was amazed
at how their roads didn't

00:11:26.007 --> 00:11:26.840
have cracks in them.

00:11:26.840 --> 00:11:28.715
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
Well, all you have to do

00:11:28.715 --> 00:11:31.350
is drive north from
Illinois into Wisconsin.

00:11:31.350 --> 00:11:32.730
Wisconsin has decent roads.

00:11:32.730 --> 00:11:33.480
AUDIENCE: They do.

00:11:33.480 --> 00:11:34.350
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
Part of this is money.

00:11:34.350 --> 00:11:35.736
AUDIENCE: Illinois is
state-funded roads,

00:11:35.736 --> 00:11:37.590
but Wisconsin's
federally funded roads.

00:11:37.590 --> 00:11:39.465
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
Well, there's a mixture.

00:11:39.465 --> 00:11:41.880
Illinois is also, let us
say, not the best-run state

00:11:41.880 --> 00:11:45.060
in the union, historically.

00:11:45.060 --> 00:11:47.340
For those of you who--

00:11:47.340 --> 00:11:51.630
well, Rod Blagojevich is
just the latest in a--

00:11:51.630 --> 00:11:55.020
I'm from Illinois originally,
so I sympathize, but oh

00:11:55.020 --> 00:11:56.370
my gosh-- what a history.

00:11:56.370 --> 00:11:59.010
Anyway, yes, roads
get damaged by other--

00:11:59.010 --> 00:12:00.960
things other than traffic.

00:12:00.960 --> 00:12:03.060
And among things that
last a long time,

00:12:03.060 --> 00:12:06.630
that's Los Angeles, a
snap of Los Angeles.

00:12:06.630 --> 00:12:12.400
When you lay out a city, that
layout lasts a long time.

00:12:12.400 --> 00:12:16.020
And old buildings like that one,
that was first built in 1916

00:12:16.020 --> 00:12:20.400
and is still going
strong, last a long time.

00:12:20.400 --> 00:12:24.210
Now, I want to be a little
clearer here about how

00:12:24.210 --> 00:12:31.410
durability matters, because the
natural thing to say is, yeah,

00:12:31.410 --> 00:12:33.420
but those are all sunk costs.

00:12:33.420 --> 00:12:34.980
What's it matter?

00:12:34.980 --> 00:12:36.450
You build a railroad--

00:12:36.450 --> 00:12:37.920
that money's gone.

00:12:37.920 --> 00:12:40.440
You can walk away,
do something else.

00:12:40.440 --> 00:12:45.000
Well, the fact is you're usually
replacing something that's

00:12:45.000 --> 00:12:48.277
capital-intensive with something
else that's capital-intensive.

00:12:52.140 --> 00:12:56.980
And that fact by itself
makes it difficult to change.

00:12:56.980 --> 00:13:02.640
I want to walk through a
little bit of discounting,

00:13:02.640 --> 00:13:05.070
some of which you
have probably seen.

00:13:05.070 --> 00:13:08.460
But let me just walk through
a little bit of analysis

00:13:08.460 --> 00:13:11.070
of a hypothetical plant.

00:13:11.070 --> 00:13:13.650
We're thinking of replacing
a coal-fired power plant.

00:13:13.650 --> 00:13:17.100
It produces Q units
of output per year.

00:13:17.100 --> 00:13:20.220
The variable cost is
v. It costs F to build.

00:13:20.220 --> 00:13:22.920
It'll last T years.

00:13:22.920 --> 00:13:25.290
The interest rate's r.

00:13:25.290 --> 00:13:27.580
We're considering replacing
it with a new plant.

00:13:27.580 --> 00:13:29.730
Let's say it's more efficient--

00:13:29.730 --> 00:13:34.050
has variable cost v star,
cost F star to build.

00:13:34.050 --> 00:13:38.160
It'll also last 2 years,
just to keep things simple.

00:13:38.160 --> 00:13:41.940
When do you scrap the old plant,
replace it with the new plant?

00:13:41.940 --> 00:13:45.870
Well, I'm going to do--

00:13:45.870 --> 00:13:47.670
clears that up?

00:13:47.670 --> 00:13:51.060
I'm going to use continuous
compounding, because I'm lazy.

00:13:51.060 --> 00:13:54.720
How many of you have seen this
before, continuous compounding?

00:13:54.720 --> 00:13:57.825
OK, most of you haven't,
so I will walk slowly.

00:14:07.140 --> 00:14:12.330
If you say we're going to
invest $1 today and we're going

00:14:12.330 --> 00:14:18.330
to ask, what happens in--
what's it worth in T years,

00:14:18.330 --> 00:14:25.590
and the interest's r, then,
if you compounded annually,

00:14:25.590 --> 00:14:34.920
that becomes 1 plus r to the
T. If you compounded N times

00:14:34.920 --> 00:14:37.830
a year-- well, the interest
rate is divided by N--

00:14:37.830 --> 00:14:41.655
1 plus r/N, now to the NT.

00:14:45.530 --> 00:14:47.220
So I'm compounding
it more often.

00:14:47.220 --> 00:14:54.500
So if it's 12% a year, then $1
today is worth $1.12 in a year.

00:14:54.500 --> 00:15:00.410
If it's compounded
monthly, then it's

00:15:00.410 --> 00:15:05.810
1.01 to the 12, which is going
to be pretty close, but not

00:15:05.810 --> 00:15:07.340
quite the same as--

00:15:07.340 --> 00:15:16.300
if you take the limit,
this becomes e to the rT.

00:15:19.570 --> 00:15:26.350
And the slide-- well,
the slide gets you there,

00:15:26.350 --> 00:15:31.700
asking now, what's $1
in T years worth today?

00:15:31.700 --> 00:15:45.640
So if you put $1 here at time T,
that would be e to the minus rT

00:15:45.640 --> 00:15:46.220
today.

00:15:46.220 --> 00:15:48.970
I use continuous
compounding a lot,

00:15:48.970 --> 00:15:52.900
because keeping track of whether
things happen at the beginning

00:15:52.900 --> 00:15:56.530
or end of periods is tiresome.

00:15:56.530 --> 00:16:00.250
And continuous compounding
works pretty well

00:16:00.250 --> 00:16:04.570
compared to daily,
monthly, weekly

00:16:04.570 --> 00:16:07.150
for interest rates at matter.

00:16:07.150 --> 00:16:09.520
OK, is the problem clear?

00:16:09.520 --> 00:16:13.870
Is this limiting exercise
reasonably clear?

00:16:13.870 --> 00:16:18.820
Questions, reactions,
stunned silence?

00:16:18.820 --> 00:16:19.570
OK.

00:16:19.570 --> 00:16:20.653
Yeah, David?

00:16:20.653 --> 00:16:22.570
AUDIENCE: We've already
built the first plant?

00:16:22.570 --> 00:16:23.440
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: We
built the first plant.

00:16:23.440 --> 00:16:23.860
We have it.

00:16:23.860 --> 00:16:24.580
AUDIENCE: OK, so that's--

00:16:24.580 --> 00:16:25.000
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
And you're going

00:16:25.000 --> 00:16:27.640
to tell me that F is
irrelevant, and you're right.

00:16:30.250 --> 00:16:33.300
But comes now the second plant.

00:16:33.300 --> 00:16:35.020
So I want to ask--

00:16:35.020 --> 00:16:41.085
I want to look at the capital
cost per unit of output.

00:16:41.085 --> 00:16:42.460
You sometimes do
this-- sometimes

00:16:42.460 --> 00:16:43.570
called levelized cost.

00:16:43.570 --> 00:16:48.500
But let me define it like this.

00:16:48.500 --> 00:16:54.220
Suppose the capital cost per
unit of output is c star.

00:16:54.220 --> 00:16:55.070
What's that mean?

00:16:55.070 --> 00:16:57.880
Well, if that's the
cost per unit of output,

00:16:57.880 --> 00:17:01.780
and I produce Q
units per period,

00:17:01.780 --> 00:17:04.750
then, if I discount
that capital cost,

00:17:04.750 --> 00:17:08.780
I ought to get the amount
of the capital investment.

00:17:08.780 --> 00:17:10.600
So that's my
definition of c star.

00:17:13.990 --> 00:17:16.300
There would be a c up here
too, if I went through it,

00:17:16.300 --> 00:17:19.869
but that's-- as you
say, that's sunk.

00:17:19.869 --> 00:17:20.650
That's sunk.

00:17:20.650 --> 00:17:24.280
But I'm interested now in--

00:17:24.280 --> 00:17:26.619
because this isn't sunk.

00:17:26.619 --> 00:17:31.420
If I build my coal-fired-- my
more efficient coal-fired power

00:17:31.420 --> 00:17:37.520
plant costs me F star,
then that gives me--

00:17:37.520 --> 00:17:41.620
what's the total cost
per unit of output?

00:17:41.620 --> 00:17:44.320
I go out to the end
of the plant's life.

00:17:44.320 --> 00:17:45.460
I look at output.

00:17:45.460 --> 00:17:46.930
I say, if that's the cost--

00:17:46.930 --> 00:17:50.680
if c star is the cost
per unit of output,

00:17:50.680 --> 00:17:53.140
then the discounted
value of all those costs

00:17:53.140 --> 00:17:55.030
must equal the
initial investment.

00:17:55.030 --> 00:17:58.300
That's this simple
expression over there.

00:17:58.300 --> 00:18:01.030
Good so far?

00:18:01.030 --> 00:18:03.850
Comment, question?

00:18:03.850 --> 00:18:08.650
So people do this, for instance,
if you think about how people

00:18:08.650 --> 00:18:11.440
calculate-- this is not the
best calculation in the world,

00:18:11.440 --> 00:18:13.690
but if you ask, what's
the cost of electricity

00:18:13.690 --> 00:18:17.110
from a solar plant,
and you get a number

00:18:17.110 --> 00:18:23.890
in cents per kilowatt hour,
this is how you do it,

00:18:23.890 --> 00:18:28.060
because the cost of solar
power is almost exclusively

00:18:28.060 --> 00:18:30.380
an upfront fixed cost.

00:18:30.380 --> 00:18:33.190
And so you look at
the life of the plant.

00:18:33.190 --> 00:18:35.740
You look at the
output over that life.

00:18:35.740 --> 00:18:39.460
You ask, what cost per
kilowatt hour discounts back

00:18:39.460 --> 00:18:42.430
to the original
cost of the plant?

00:18:42.430 --> 00:18:44.860
And that gives you a
cost per kilowatt hour

00:18:44.860 --> 00:18:47.710
from a solar power plant.

00:18:47.710 --> 00:18:49.360
OK?

00:18:49.360 --> 00:18:52.620
That's how you do it.

00:18:52.620 --> 00:18:53.970
You're very quiet.

00:18:53.970 --> 00:18:56.100
I don't think this
is hard, but I'm not

00:18:56.100 --> 00:18:57.840
sure it's quite this easy.

00:18:57.840 --> 00:19:00.610
So are you all on board?

00:19:00.610 --> 00:19:01.110
Yeah?

00:19:01.110 --> 00:19:02.652
AUDIENCE: There's
a lot of uncertainy

00:19:02.652 --> 00:19:04.180
in all those numbers, right?

00:19:04.180 --> 00:19:04.680
[INAUDIBLE]

00:19:04.680 --> 00:19:06.097
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
In life, yes.

00:19:06.097 --> 00:19:08.970
In my story, no.

00:19:08.970 --> 00:19:13.650
This is economics, so we
assume God-like powers.

00:19:13.650 --> 00:19:14.813
And I know these numbers.

00:19:14.813 --> 00:19:16.230
But in real life,
of course, you'd

00:19:16.230 --> 00:19:18.840
want to react-- you'd want
to deal with risk issues.

00:19:18.840 --> 00:19:21.510
But this is a
straightforward replacement.

00:19:21.510 --> 00:19:25.830
So obviously, these
are obvious properties,

00:19:25.830 --> 00:19:28.710
if you think about
it for a minute.

00:19:28.710 --> 00:19:32.880
You basically solve this
equation for c star,

00:19:32.880 --> 00:19:36.810
and you can see, as e to
the minus rT vanishes, you

00:19:36.810 --> 00:19:39.030
get what you'd expect--
fixed cost divided

00:19:39.030 --> 00:19:42.670
by output made into a flow
with the interest rate.

00:19:42.670 --> 00:19:49.140
Now, forget F. The
decision to replace

00:19:49.140 --> 00:19:51.570
turns on this comparison--

00:19:51.570 --> 00:19:55.650
turns on a comparison of
the total cost of output

00:19:55.650 --> 00:19:58.080
from the new plant
with the variable cost

00:19:58.080 --> 00:20:00.240
of output from the old plant.

00:20:00.240 --> 00:20:03.180
That's the point.

00:20:03.180 --> 00:20:05.190
The cost of the old
plant sunk-- doesn't

00:20:05.190 --> 00:20:06.750
matter whether I
got it as a gift

00:20:06.750 --> 00:20:09.120
or whether it was ridiculously
expensive to build.

00:20:09.120 --> 00:20:11.100
It's gone.

00:20:11.100 --> 00:20:15.400
So what I care about is
the cost of the old plant.

00:20:19.182 --> 00:20:23.040
If my plant is a coal-fired
generating plant,

00:20:23.040 --> 00:20:24.450
an awful lot--

00:20:24.450 --> 00:20:27.510
and I'm going to replace it with
a new, cleaner, more efficient

00:20:27.510 --> 00:20:32.100
coal-fired generating
plant, v star

00:20:32.100 --> 00:20:35.280
is going to be small
relative to c star.

00:20:35.280 --> 00:20:38.550
v is going to be small relative
to the original capital cost.

00:20:38.550 --> 00:20:39.510
That doesn't matter.

00:20:39.510 --> 00:20:43.500
Fuel is cheap for a
coal-fired power plant.

00:20:43.500 --> 00:20:46.060
The plant's expensive.

00:20:46.060 --> 00:20:49.890
So to replace it, I got to say--

00:20:49.890 --> 00:20:52.650
putting everything
else to one side,

00:20:52.650 --> 00:20:56.850
I got to say, how
does the running cost

00:20:56.850 --> 00:20:59.430
of this old
inefficient dog compare

00:20:59.430 --> 00:21:03.510
with the total cost of this
bright, shiny, new, high-tech,

00:21:03.510 --> 00:21:08.310
very expensive to build,
cheap to operate plant?

00:21:08.310 --> 00:21:11.625
That gets you stuff
lasting for a long time.

00:21:14.815 --> 00:21:15.315
Clear?

00:21:20.640 --> 00:21:25.080
If it's capital-intensive,
you're comparing variable cost

00:21:25.080 --> 00:21:26.760
with total cost.

00:21:26.760 --> 00:21:30.850
And even if this is
a much better plant,

00:21:30.850 --> 00:21:36.772
even if v star is much below
v, and c star isn't bad--

00:21:36.772 --> 00:21:38.730
first of all, it doesn't
matter how it compares

00:21:38.730 --> 00:21:39.990
with the old capital cost.

00:21:39.990 --> 00:21:41.190
That's gone.

00:21:41.190 --> 00:21:44.460
What matters is, what is it--
how does total cost compare

00:21:44.460 --> 00:21:48.690
with the operating cost?

00:21:48.690 --> 00:21:52.870
So why exactly do we have
vibrating PowerPoint?

00:21:52.870 --> 00:21:55.170
I don't know.

00:21:55.170 --> 00:21:57.270
If you think about other
kinds of investments

00:21:57.270 --> 00:22:00.210
that might be made--

00:22:00.210 --> 00:22:04.860
and we'll come to this when
we talk about big systems--

00:22:04.860 --> 00:22:09.630
institutions, know
how, policies tend

00:22:09.630 --> 00:22:11.280
to come from
upfront investments.

00:22:11.280 --> 00:22:12.968
They tend to last a long time.

00:22:12.968 --> 00:22:14.760
So if you think about
switching technology,

00:22:14.760 --> 00:22:19.230
you will think about retraining
a workforce, building a--

00:22:19.230 --> 00:22:21.450
building technological
knowledge, and so forth.

00:22:27.530 --> 00:22:29.580
Those are systems that
are very long-lived,

00:22:29.580 --> 00:22:31.560
and are all up front.

00:22:31.560 --> 00:22:35.460
There's Salem Harbor
right there, still--

00:22:35.460 --> 00:22:42.160
it's coal-fired, and in fact,
it actually burns a little oil.

00:22:42.160 --> 00:22:45.670
You don't see much oil, but
it burns a little bit of oil

00:22:45.670 --> 00:22:46.780
and burns some gas.

00:22:46.780 --> 00:22:48.790
But it began as coal-fired--

00:22:48.790 --> 00:22:50.980
1951-- still going.

00:22:50.980 --> 00:22:52.390
Part of it shut
down in December.

00:22:52.390 --> 00:22:55.720
Part of it shuts down in 2014.

00:22:55.720 --> 00:22:58.520
You remember that
graph from early on,

00:22:58.520 --> 00:23:00.880
but the point I make
is all these coal

00:23:00.880 --> 00:23:04.490
fired plants are cheap to run.

00:23:04.490 --> 00:23:07.780
They may be very inefficient,
but they are cheap to run.

00:23:07.780 --> 00:23:12.560
So they last a long time.

00:23:12.560 --> 00:23:16.060
They have a high ratio
of capital cost per unit

00:23:16.060 --> 00:23:16.915
to variable cost.

00:23:21.370 --> 00:23:24.310
One kind of side point--

00:23:24.310 --> 00:23:26.740
if you follow
environmental debates,

00:23:26.740 --> 00:23:31.650
you will hear that
lots of coal plants,

00:23:31.650 --> 00:23:34.010
in fact, will be shut down
for environmental reasons

00:23:34.010 --> 00:23:37.640
in the next few years,
and you will hear numbers

00:23:37.640 --> 00:23:42.740
on the incredible costs
of replacing those plants.

00:23:42.740 --> 00:23:46.260
The point is those
plants eventually die.

00:23:46.260 --> 00:23:48.725
Even Salem Harbor
eventually dies.

00:23:54.860 --> 00:23:58.910
The economic cost of replacement
isn't the upfront cost.

00:23:58.910 --> 00:24:01.220
It's the discounted
cost of replacing

00:24:01.220 --> 00:24:05.220
now versus replacing in x
years, whatever x happens to be.

00:24:05.220 --> 00:24:07.670
So when you hear the entire
Midwest is going to go broke

00:24:07.670 --> 00:24:10.040
because they're
replacing power plants,

00:24:10.040 --> 00:24:12.960
they're replacing them earlier.

00:24:12.960 --> 00:24:15.095
So you got to know
how much earlier.

00:24:17.660 --> 00:24:22.750
So I have to tell you one
other aspect of history that

00:24:22.750 --> 00:24:28.580
matters here, and that's
the Clean Air Act.

00:24:28.580 --> 00:24:33.230
Those of you with
phenomenal memories

00:24:33.230 --> 00:24:40.520
will recall that, when we talked
about the American coal, rather

00:24:40.520 --> 00:24:44.480
than Saudi oil discussion, we
talked about the Clean Air Act.

00:24:44.480 --> 00:24:47.690
And I mentioned that
the architecture

00:24:47.690 --> 00:24:50.390
has states responsible
for meeting air quality

00:24:50.390 --> 00:24:55.850
standards and EPA responsible
for setting standards for

00:24:55.850 --> 00:24:59.440
new electric generating plants.

00:24:59.440 --> 00:25:04.190
So EPA starts up in here,
tightens standards in there,

00:25:04.190 --> 00:25:09.330
tightens them later on.

00:25:09.330 --> 00:25:13.197
But there are no standards
for these plants,

00:25:13.197 --> 00:25:14.655
for all those plants
built earlier.

00:25:17.610 --> 00:25:20.520
Complying with EPA
standards is expensive--

00:25:20.520 --> 00:25:22.770
depends on the plant,
depends on the standard,

00:25:22.770 --> 00:25:25.540
but it adds to cost.

00:25:25.540 --> 00:25:29.580
So now you're replacing an
old plant that may be filthy,

00:25:29.580 --> 00:25:34.320
dirty with a new plant that has
to meet new source performance

00:25:34.320 --> 00:25:35.341
standards.

00:25:38.050 --> 00:25:40.300
You can see why the law did it--

00:25:40.300 --> 00:25:44.950
why Congress did that,
because it's cheaper

00:25:44.950 --> 00:25:50.470
normally to design a
new plant to be clean

00:25:50.470 --> 00:25:54.160
than to clean up an old plant.

00:25:54.160 --> 00:25:58.120
We'll talk about reasons later
on, but that sort of makes

00:25:58.120 --> 00:26:00.170
sense.

00:26:00.170 --> 00:26:04.660
But what it means is
building a new plant

00:26:04.660 --> 00:26:07.420
is more expensive than
maintaining an old-- even

00:26:07.420 --> 00:26:10.000
more expensive than
maintaining an old plant.

00:26:10.000 --> 00:26:15.010
So one reason all these
old dogs are still alive

00:26:15.010 --> 00:26:17.170
is because they would
have to be replaced

00:26:17.170 --> 00:26:21.790
by plants that would be cleaner,
more efficient, and more

00:26:21.790 --> 00:26:22.480
expensive.

00:26:25.890 --> 00:26:28.500
There is an interesting question
that I won't bore you with--

00:26:28.500 --> 00:26:33.340
is what can you do to an old
plant by way of repowering,

00:26:33.340 --> 00:26:35.710
changing the equipment, and
modernizing it before it

00:26:35.710 --> 00:26:40.130
becomes a new plant, for
purposes of the law--

00:26:40.130 --> 00:26:42.910
a question that has
no answer, that I once

00:26:42.910 --> 00:26:47.620
spent four months of my life
trying to write a rule on.

00:26:47.620 --> 00:26:49.900
OK, is this all clear--

00:26:49.900 --> 00:26:50.800
semi-clear?

00:26:50.800 --> 00:26:52.630
Questions, comments?

00:26:52.630 --> 00:26:53.130
Yeah?

00:26:53.130 --> 00:26:54.630
AUDIENCE: I just
wanted to ask you--

00:26:54.630 --> 00:27:03.434
so given [INAUDIBLE] forgetting
about any environmental

00:27:03.434 --> 00:27:08.636
standards that probably will add
to that or whatever EPA rules

00:27:08.636 --> 00:27:12.003
you may have, wouldn't you
expect the environemtal cost

00:27:12.003 --> 00:27:14.470
at some point to start
increasing, just because--

00:27:14.470 --> 00:27:15.553
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: Yeah.

00:27:15.553 --> 00:27:18.210
AUDIENCE: --your machines are
so old that you can't even

00:27:18.210 --> 00:27:20.630
find replacements for what
you have and stuff like that?

00:27:20.630 --> 00:27:21.340
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
And that's when,

00:27:21.340 --> 00:27:23.830
putting environmental
considerations aside--

00:27:23.830 --> 00:27:26.680
and you would also expect the
performance of new plants,

00:27:26.680 --> 00:27:29.740
in terms of both capital and
variable cost, to get better.

00:27:29.740 --> 00:27:32.230
At some point, those curves
cross, and you replace.

00:27:32.230 --> 00:27:35.470
Or I gave it a finite lifetime.

00:27:35.470 --> 00:27:38.470
At some point, the thing
just can't be maintained,

00:27:38.470 --> 00:27:40.480
one way or another--
either, for some reason,

00:27:40.480 --> 00:27:46.270
it falls apart at your T, or
the costs just keep rising

00:27:46.270 --> 00:27:48.862
and you say, this is an old dog.

00:27:48.862 --> 00:27:49.820
There are other issues.

00:27:49.820 --> 00:27:53.140
One reason Salem Harbor
is still going is,

00:27:53.140 --> 00:27:56.200
for stability reasons, they
need to have power injected

00:27:56.200 --> 00:28:00.580
into the system around
there, and there's

00:28:00.580 --> 00:28:02.300
no obvious other way to do it.

00:28:02.300 --> 00:28:04.780
In fact, they're going to,
I think, do some repowering

00:28:04.780 --> 00:28:06.040
and do some gas generation.

00:28:06.040 --> 00:28:08.050
But anyway, yeah,
there comes a point--

00:28:08.050 --> 00:28:09.830
I just had the cost constant.

00:28:09.830 --> 00:28:13.430
What happens in life is
that variable cost rises.

00:28:13.430 --> 00:28:13.930
Yeah?

00:28:13.930 --> 00:28:16.210
AUDIENCE: How does the
licensing work with this?

00:28:16.210 --> 00:28:19.150
Because I know at
some power plants

00:28:19.150 --> 00:28:21.460
you have to be licensed
to run, so couldn't you

00:28:21.460 --> 00:28:23.535
say they have a 60-year
license, and you're

00:28:23.535 --> 00:28:25.577
pretty sure they're going
to replace that anyway.

00:28:25.577 --> 00:28:27.460
[INAUDIBLE]

00:28:27.460 --> 00:28:30.670
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
Nuclear plants in the US

00:28:30.670 --> 00:28:31.630
were originally given--

00:28:31.630 --> 00:28:33.940
I think it was 40-year licenses.

00:28:33.940 --> 00:28:37.660
And they have the ability
to apply for extensions.

00:28:37.660 --> 00:28:42.010
I don't believe any
other power plants

00:28:42.010 --> 00:28:45.410
have licenses of that sort.

00:28:45.410 --> 00:28:49.210
The reason for the
nuclear license is--

00:28:49.210 --> 00:28:54.310
I think is that the
federal government limits

00:28:54.310 --> 00:28:56.530
the liability of
nuclear plant owners,

00:28:56.530 --> 00:29:00.280
and in exchange for
that limit of liability,

00:29:00.280 --> 00:29:03.610
wants to make sure the
plants are OK to go on.

00:29:03.610 --> 00:29:06.130
But they can apply
for extensions

00:29:06.130 --> 00:29:09.550
for another 20 years.

00:29:09.550 --> 00:29:11.570
And at that point, they're done.

00:29:11.570 --> 00:29:14.860
And that's an engineering
estimate at the start

00:29:14.860 --> 00:29:16.753
that we're pretty
sure it'll go 40.

00:29:16.753 --> 00:29:18.170
We don't know if
it can go longer.

00:29:18.170 --> 00:29:20.920
Let's take another
look at it at 40.

00:29:20.920 --> 00:29:23.410
Coal-fired plants don't
have this sort of buildup

00:29:23.410 --> 00:29:25.000
of radiation problem.

00:29:25.000 --> 00:29:27.010
Other plants don't,
so I don't think

00:29:27.010 --> 00:29:31.780
they tend to have
time-limited licenses.

00:29:31.780 --> 00:29:35.740
I think some private
hydroelectric facilities

00:29:35.740 --> 00:29:40.690
had state limited licenses,
but it can happen.

00:29:40.690 --> 00:29:42.840
Yeah.

00:29:42.840 --> 00:29:46.410
Anything else at all?

00:29:46.410 --> 00:29:48.360
OK.

00:29:48.360 --> 00:29:50.980
Let me talk about a second way.

00:29:50.980 --> 00:29:54.030
So here's the first way
that history matters.

00:29:54.030 --> 00:29:59.160
History can matter just
because of capital intensity.

00:29:59.160 --> 00:30:01.830
Your replacement technology's
capital-intensive.

00:30:01.830 --> 00:30:03.510
You're comparing it
with a technology

00:30:03.510 --> 00:30:06.330
that has low variable costs.

00:30:06.330 --> 00:30:11.440
A second way is a
little more subtle,

00:30:11.440 --> 00:30:15.190
and it has to do with
the political process.

00:30:15.190 --> 00:30:19.510
And that is, just as
a matter of fact--

00:30:19.510 --> 00:30:21.870
I don't know there's
an elegant theory here,

00:30:21.870 --> 00:30:26.610
but as a matter of
fact, political systems

00:30:26.610 --> 00:30:30.570
don't make big policy
changes easily.

00:30:30.570 --> 00:30:32.310
They do, but they
don't make them easily,

00:30:32.310 --> 00:30:35.460
because they can
be very disruptive.

00:30:35.460 --> 00:30:40.980
So once you've gone down
a particular policy path,

00:30:40.980 --> 00:30:43.170
it becomes--

00:30:43.170 --> 00:30:44.820
the system tends to freeze.

00:30:44.820 --> 00:30:48.660
The US system in particular
is prone to that,

00:30:48.660 --> 00:30:51.360
because if you think about--

00:30:51.360 --> 00:30:53.090
it's more true now
than it used to be--

00:30:53.090 --> 00:30:55.410
you think about the need to
have 60 votes in the Senate

00:30:55.410 --> 00:31:00.630
to get anything done
at all, a big change

00:31:00.630 --> 00:31:04.230
is hard to get 60 votes for
in the absence of a crisis.

00:31:04.230 --> 00:31:06.120
Little changes--
this and that-- sure.

00:31:06.120 --> 00:31:07.770
Fine tuning-- sure.

00:31:07.770 --> 00:31:13.170
But big structural changes the
system just doesn't want to do.

00:31:13.170 --> 00:31:15.480
Think about the Clean Air Act.

00:31:15.480 --> 00:31:18.310
I've described a couple
of issues with it.

00:31:18.310 --> 00:31:21.450
One is the way standards are
set-- the one I just described,

00:31:21.450 --> 00:31:23.430
the new source
performance standards.

00:31:23.430 --> 00:31:25.740
These problems have been
known since the act was

00:31:25.740 --> 00:31:27.250
passed in 1970.

00:31:27.250 --> 00:31:28.710
They've been discussed.

00:31:28.710 --> 00:31:31.140
Remedies have been proposed.

00:31:31.140 --> 00:31:34.560
That architecture hasn't moved.

00:31:34.560 --> 00:31:35.060
Why?

00:31:35.060 --> 00:31:39.080
Because you've got a
bureaucracy in place,

00:31:39.080 --> 00:31:41.180
you've got states
relating to it,

00:31:41.180 --> 00:31:44.060
you've got a whole
machinery going,

00:31:44.060 --> 00:31:48.410
and you have uncertainty as to
how alternatives would work.

00:31:48.410 --> 00:31:53.030
So absent a crisis, that's
not going to change.

00:31:53.030 --> 00:31:57.600
Agricultural price supports--
why do we still do this?

00:31:57.600 --> 00:32:00.230
Why does the European
Union spend so much money

00:32:00.230 --> 00:32:01.880
supporting European farmers?

00:32:01.880 --> 00:32:04.340
Well, a policy's in place.

00:32:04.340 --> 00:32:08.210
Their interest's in
place, their votes.

00:32:08.210 --> 00:32:10.700
It's a reinforcing system--

00:32:10.700 --> 00:32:14.730
and because there's a
fear of radical change.

00:32:14.730 --> 00:32:17.750
So every so often we debate
our agricultural program,

00:32:17.750 --> 00:32:20.990
which benefits 1%, 2%,
3% of the population--

00:32:20.990 --> 00:32:24.260
maybe as much as 5%, depending
on how you do your arithmetic.

00:32:24.260 --> 00:32:25.740
And we spend a lot
of money on it.

00:32:25.740 --> 00:32:29.420
Similarly, we
subsidize oil drilling.

00:32:29.420 --> 00:32:34.550
We treat oil companies and
oil exploration in a tax--

00:32:34.550 --> 00:32:38.330
in a favorable way from
the point of view of taxes.

00:32:38.330 --> 00:32:39.300
Why do we do that?

00:32:39.300 --> 00:32:42.700
Well, there are a
whole set of reasons,

00:32:42.700 --> 00:32:47.200
but the fact is it's not only
that we don't abolish it--

00:32:47.200 --> 00:32:50.220
we also don't make
it more generous.

00:32:50.220 --> 00:32:53.500
We all talk about
more US oil drilling,

00:32:53.500 --> 00:32:56.080
but the tax system
as it affects oil

00:32:56.080 --> 00:32:59.620
has been in place since,
I think, the early '50s.

00:32:59.620 --> 00:33:02.457
Big policy changes
just don't get made.

00:33:02.457 --> 00:33:04.540
We pass energy bills every
few years, but that one

00:33:04.540 --> 00:33:05.590
doesn't get touched much.

00:33:09.250 --> 00:33:13.150
Oh yeah, and you will recall
the pre-World War 1 London

00:33:13.150 --> 00:33:16.990
electricity system from
last time-- crazy system--

00:33:16.990 --> 00:33:18.280
crazy, crazy, crazy.

00:33:18.280 --> 00:33:20.270
It really took
close to a crisis.

00:33:20.270 --> 00:33:24.760
It took World War 1 to cause
them to say, look, we know

00:33:24.760 --> 00:33:26.570
local control is important.

00:33:26.570 --> 00:33:30.190
We know it's dangerous to
fundamentally restructure

00:33:30.190 --> 00:33:33.250
the electricity
system, but come on.

00:33:33.250 --> 00:33:34.540
And they did it.

00:33:34.540 --> 00:33:38.540
They, in fact, have
done that twice.

00:33:38.540 --> 00:33:41.450
Actually, I think they did that
in the '20s, but in any case,

00:33:41.450 --> 00:33:44.560
that was just the nutty
system that persisted.

00:33:44.560 --> 00:33:46.210
It persisted.

00:33:46.210 --> 00:33:49.330
Big policy changes
don't get made.

00:33:49.330 --> 00:33:53.080
We assigned the piece
on health care reform

00:33:53.080 --> 00:33:55.127
to illustrate this--

00:33:55.127 --> 00:33:56.710
the New Yorker piece,
which I hope you

00:33:56.710 --> 00:33:58.877
read, because it was very
readable, and interesting,

00:33:58.877 --> 00:34:00.850
and relevant to the
current health care

00:34:00.850 --> 00:34:04.420
debate-- if not
particularly to this course.

00:34:04.420 --> 00:34:06.610
I will refresh
your recollection.

00:34:06.610 --> 00:34:10.989
He argues that everybody,
when contemplating health

00:34:10.989 --> 00:34:14.830
care reform, has a tendency
to take a blank piece of paper

00:34:14.830 --> 00:34:18.949
and write down some
sort of ideal system.

00:34:18.949 --> 00:34:23.199
But if you look at health care,
just like you look at energy,

00:34:23.199 --> 00:34:26.260
different countries
made different choices.

00:34:26.260 --> 00:34:29.199
Yeah, everybody but the US
among the rich countries

00:34:29.199 --> 00:34:33.670
has universal health care, but
no two systems are the same.

00:34:33.670 --> 00:34:37.420
No two systems are the same.

00:34:37.420 --> 00:34:40.510
I thought the English
example, the UK example

00:34:40.510 --> 00:34:41.590
was the most interesting.

00:34:41.590 --> 00:34:45.730
They moved to
complete government--

00:34:45.730 --> 00:34:47.139
government-run,
government-owned,

00:34:47.139 --> 00:34:53.139
government-funded system in 1945
without an eye being batted.

00:34:53.139 --> 00:34:55.540
And the reason was they had
to take over the health care

00:34:55.540 --> 00:34:56.889
system during World War 2.

00:34:56.889 --> 00:34:58.480
They had massive
movements of people.

00:34:58.480 --> 00:35:00.610
They had massive casualties.

00:35:00.610 --> 00:35:02.985
The government took over a
lot of things in this country,

00:35:02.985 --> 00:35:04.943
but it didn't take over
the health care system.

00:35:04.943 --> 00:35:06.760
We didn't have that
set of problems.

00:35:06.760 --> 00:35:09.070
It took over automobile
companies, and steel companies,

00:35:09.070 --> 00:35:11.570
and aircraft companies, but it
didn't take over health care.

00:35:11.570 --> 00:35:14.120
It did in the UK.

00:35:14.120 --> 00:35:16.030
So after the war,
when they decided,

00:35:16.030 --> 00:35:20.230
gee, wouldn't it be good to
have universal health care,

00:35:20.230 --> 00:35:23.140
well, they basically
already had it.

00:35:23.140 --> 00:35:24.960
So they just needed
to write it up

00:35:24.960 --> 00:35:27.460
and say, yeah, the government's
been running the health care

00:35:27.460 --> 00:35:30.100
system since 1939.

00:35:30.100 --> 00:35:32.200
It's now 1945.

00:35:32.200 --> 00:35:34.870
I guess we'll just
keep this system--

00:35:34.870 --> 00:35:36.600
sounded like a
huge policy change.

00:35:36.600 --> 00:35:38.350
They moved to the
National Health Service,

00:35:38.350 --> 00:35:44.590
they moved to universal health
care, but they already had it--

00:35:44.590 --> 00:35:47.830
tiny policy change, because--

00:35:47.830 --> 00:35:55.270
you going to make a
huge change in 1945?

00:35:55.270 --> 00:35:57.370
France was defeated.

00:35:57.370 --> 00:36:02.170
They didn't have this kind of
government-run system in 1945.

00:36:02.170 --> 00:36:06.220
They look back to the way
they provided health care

00:36:06.220 --> 00:36:08.650
before World War 2.

00:36:08.650 --> 00:36:11.020
That was something they
could use as a base

00:36:11.020 --> 00:36:13.458
and make changes from
to make it universal,

00:36:13.458 --> 00:36:14.500
and that's what they did.

00:36:14.500 --> 00:36:16.720
They're a set of regional funds.

00:36:16.720 --> 00:36:19.480
The Swiss system is interesting.

00:36:19.480 --> 00:36:21.710
Switzerland had only
private insurance.

00:36:21.710 --> 00:36:23.890
You go buy insurer.

00:36:23.890 --> 00:36:25.570
So when the Swiss
decided they were

00:36:25.570 --> 00:36:29.890
going to have universal
health care, what did they do?

00:36:29.890 --> 00:36:33.160
They said, OK, A, everybody
has to buy insurance, and B,

00:36:33.160 --> 00:36:36.670
we'll subsidize insurance
for poor people--

00:36:36.670 --> 00:36:40.150
tiny change-- no
big argument about,

00:36:40.150 --> 00:36:42.280
let's make a huge change,
let's do a single payer

00:36:42.280 --> 00:36:44.493
system like the British,
let's use regional funds

00:36:44.493 --> 00:36:45.160
like the French.

00:36:45.160 --> 00:36:45.660
No.

00:36:45.660 --> 00:36:47.920
Why would you do that?

00:36:47.920 --> 00:36:51.190
The system tends to
move incrementally.

00:36:51.190 --> 00:36:54.100
The policy system
moves incrementally,

00:36:54.100 --> 00:36:56.620
because big policy
changes tend to have

00:36:56.620 --> 00:36:57.645
unforeseen consequences.

00:36:57.645 --> 00:36:59.020
And if you can
get where you want

00:36:59.020 --> 00:37:04.740
to go without running that
risk, policy systems do--

00:37:04.740 --> 00:37:06.570
hence, history has consequences.

00:37:06.570 --> 00:37:09.030
The US case, you must--

00:37:09.030 --> 00:37:10.440
well, maybe you don't know this.

00:37:10.440 --> 00:37:13.730
Why do most Americans get health
care through their employers?

00:37:13.730 --> 00:37:15.660
They didn't in Switzerland.

00:37:15.660 --> 00:37:17.760
They certainly
didn't in the UK--

00:37:17.760 --> 00:37:21.180
French case only if you
had a large employer.

00:37:21.180 --> 00:37:24.800
This was because,
during World War 2,

00:37:24.800 --> 00:37:28.450
among other things, the
government fixed wages.

00:37:28.450 --> 00:37:30.880
The economy was
running quite hot.

00:37:30.880 --> 00:37:33.430
There was a lot of
demand for labor,

00:37:33.430 --> 00:37:36.340
and they were afraid that,
if we didn't control wages,

00:37:36.340 --> 00:37:38.630
we'd have inflation.

00:37:38.630 --> 00:37:40.830
We had inflation, but
really rapid inflation--

00:37:40.830 --> 00:37:43.150
so during World War 2,
they controlled wages.

00:37:43.150 --> 00:37:45.460
So employers
competed for workers

00:37:45.460 --> 00:37:49.960
by subsidizing health
insurance, which was a way

00:37:49.960 --> 00:37:52.660
to get around wage controls.

00:37:52.660 --> 00:37:55.493
I don't know the political story
about why that subsidy wasn't

00:37:55.493 --> 00:37:57.160
counted as income,
but it wasn't counted

00:37:57.160 --> 00:37:59.260
as income for tax purposes.

00:37:59.260 --> 00:38:01.510
Therefore, we have
employer-provided health

00:38:01.510 --> 00:38:05.800
insurance in this
country, because

00:38:05.800 --> 00:38:08.170
of that accident of history.

00:38:08.170 --> 00:38:12.250
Therefore, when you do health
care reform in Massachusetts,

00:38:12.250 --> 00:38:16.360
as in 2009-- and for that
matter, in the federal system--

00:38:16.360 --> 00:38:20.080
we built on employer-provided
health care.

00:38:20.080 --> 00:38:21.790
Is that an obviously
good thing to do?

00:38:21.790 --> 00:38:21.940
No.

00:38:21.940 --> 00:38:23.380
Most people think
it's a mistake.

00:38:23.380 --> 00:38:26.380
Most economists think it's a
mistake, that having that tax

00:38:26.380 --> 00:38:29.080
deduction distorts decisions.

00:38:29.080 --> 00:38:30.820
It makes it cheaper
for employers

00:38:30.820 --> 00:38:33.670
to give you income in the
form of health insurance

00:38:33.670 --> 00:38:35.530
and to give you
income in other ways.

00:38:35.530 --> 00:38:37.690
That's distorting the
compensation decision.

00:38:37.690 --> 00:38:39.268
But we have it.

00:38:39.268 --> 00:38:40.435
We've had it since the '40s.

00:38:43.110 --> 00:38:47.280
Changing it would be
disruptive, so the system

00:38:47.280 --> 00:38:49.120
doesn't change it.

00:38:49.120 --> 00:38:58.050
So this is the second reason
why history casts a long shadow.

00:38:58.050 --> 00:38:59.550
The nice illustrations
for health

00:38:59.550 --> 00:39:02.250
care, but the point is the same.

00:39:02.250 --> 00:39:09.490
Once you set up a policy regime
now, there are costs of change,

00:39:09.490 --> 00:39:11.610
so you will tend--
the system will tend,

00:39:11.610 --> 00:39:14.660
except in the case
of crisis, when--

00:39:14.660 --> 00:39:17.480
God knows-- but except
in the case of crisis,

00:39:17.480 --> 00:39:20.060
the system will tend
to use a prior regime

00:39:20.060 --> 00:39:21.663
as a point of departure.

00:39:24.500 --> 00:39:29.580
Health care reform in the
US was controversial enough.

00:39:29.580 --> 00:39:32.570
Can you imagine what would
have happened if the Obama

00:39:32.570 --> 00:39:34.500
administration or
anybody else had said,

00:39:34.500 --> 00:39:36.560
OK, we're not going to
get health insurance

00:39:36.560 --> 00:39:38.550
through your employer anymore--

00:39:38.550 --> 00:39:40.517
we're going to move
to the UK system,

00:39:40.517 --> 00:39:42.350
where the government
owns all the hospitals,

00:39:42.350 --> 00:39:44.270
and hires all the
doctors and nurses,

00:39:44.270 --> 00:39:45.578
and manages health care?

00:39:45.578 --> 00:39:46.370
We know it'll work.

00:39:46.370 --> 00:39:48.590
They do it in the UK.

00:39:48.590 --> 00:39:52.020
Could that have
gotten four votes?

00:39:52.020 --> 00:39:54.000
Could a move to
employer-provided health

00:39:54.000 --> 00:39:57.090
insurance have gotten three
votes in parliament in the UK?

00:39:57.090 --> 00:39:58.440
No.

00:39:58.440 --> 00:40:01.660
It would have been
disruptive in either case.

00:40:01.660 --> 00:40:03.160
So the system doesn't do it.

00:40:03.160 --> 00:40:07.800
So once you go down
a road, it becomes

00:40:07.800 --> 00:40:13.650
hard to change the policy
regime that supports it.

00:40:13.650 --> 00:40:17.640
Third way-- history matters.

00:40:17.640 --> 00:40:21.000
And this is the most
interesting, in a way.

00:40:21.000 --> 00:40:25.975
Those were fun,
but this is the--

00:40:25.975 --> 00:40:28.770
what's his name-- Unruh article.

00:40:28.770 --> 00:40:32.760
He's a little bit
hysterical, and I'll

00:40:32.760 --> 00:40:35.400
try to make some
points about that--

00:40:35.400 --> 00:40:40.930
and Mahoney, if you can possibly
read sociological theory.

00:40:40.930 --> 00:40:45.270
The argument is that, in a lot
of cases, what really makes

00:40:45.270 --> 00:40:49.680
path dependence is choices
made that are somewhat

00:40:49.680 --> 00:40:54.360
arbitrary that then
puts you on a path that

00:40:54.360 --> 00:40:59.550
involves positive interactions
that keep you on the path.

00:40:59.550 --> 00:41:02.940
Health insurance isn't quite
a great illustration of that.

00:41:02.940 --> 00:41:04.260
It's not bad.

00:41:04.260 --> 00:41:09.360
So you have this chance
event in the US that puts you

00:41:09.360 --> 00:41:15.030
on a path of employer-provided
health insurance, that then

00:41:15.030 --> 00:41:18.750
leads to a set of institutions
being created around it,

00:41:18.750 --> 00:41:22.770
tax code created around it,
benefits systems created

00:41:22.770 --> 00:41:25.020
around it.

00:41:25.020 --> 00:41:27.210
Even forgetting about the
fact that you wouldn't

00:41:27.210 --> 00:41:29.910
want to risk the policy
change in Washington,

00:41:29.910 --> 00:41:33.850
it would be difficult for the
rest of the system to change.

00:41:33.850 --> 00:41:38.670
So Mahoney talks about not
inevitable choices that then

00:41:38.670 --> 00:41:42.900
make later choices inevitable.

00:41:42.900 --> 00:41:46.410
A classic example of
this kind of interaction

00:41:46.410 --> 00:41:48.780
is the keyboards I
assume most of us use,

00:41:48.780 --> 00:41:51.480
the QWERTY keyboards.

00:41:51.480 --> 00:41:53.310
This design was
originally chosen

00:41:53.310 --> 00:41:56.730
because, for
mechanical typewriters,

00:41:56.730 --> 00:41:59.520
you wanted to keep keys that
were frequently used together

00:41:59.520 --> 00:42:04.050
far apart, because otherwise,
they jam as they came forward.

00:42:04.050 --> 00:42:07.437
Has anybody ever typed on a
mechanical typewriter here?

00:42:07.437 --> 00:42:09.270
OK, a few-- all right,
this is good for you.

00:42:09.270 --> 00:42:09.770
Yeah.

00:42:12.750 --> 00:42:17.910
So that was a perfectly
good reason to do it.

00:42:17.910 --> 00:42:25.140
Some say it is inferior
to other keyboard designs,

00:42:25.140 --> 00:42:30.000
but the fact is,
even if it wasn't--

00:42:30.000 --> 00:42:32.460
and the evidence, as I
see it, on this is mixed.

00:42:32.460 --> 00:42:33.720
There's been a debate.

00:42:33.720 --> 00:42:37.320
Even if it wasn't, think
about what happens.

00:42:37.320 --> 00:42:41.640
You begin to have people
who learn to type this way.

00:42:41.640 --> 00:42:45.000
You begin to have typing
teachers who learn to teach you

00:42:45.000 --> 00:42:47.610
how to type this way.

00:42:47.610 --> 00:42:50.880
When the computer
came, when PCs came,

00:42:50.880 --> 00:42:53.670
people said, ah, this is
the end of this design.

00:42:53.670 --> 00:42:55.718
People can get more
efficient keyboards.

00:42:55.718 --> 00:42:57.510
We don't all have to
use the same keyboard.

00:42:57.510 --> 00:42:58.530
You can buy a--

00:42:58.530 --> 00:43:00.970
used to be able to buy a
Dvorak keyboard for those who

00:43:00.970 --> 00:43:02.220
thought it was more efficient.

00:43:02.220 --> 00:43:04.470
You can teach yourself to
type this more efficient way

00:43:04.470 --> 00:43:06.360
and plug it in.

00:43:06.360 --> 00:43:08.580
Well, as far as I
know, almost nobody

00:43:08.580 --> 00:43:14.320
did that, because it apparently
isn't more efficient.

00:43:14.320 --> 00:43:19.260
So we still use this old
design, because once you've

00:43:19.260 --> 00:43:21.870
got the educational
process, once you've

00:43:21.870 --> 00:43:24.720
got the standardization
process, if there isn't

00:43:24.720 --> 00:43:27.760
a compelling reason
to change, there

00:43:27.760 --> 00:43:29.530
are reasons not to change.

00:43:29.530 --> 00:43:31.390
You'd have to redo
the instruction books,

00:43:31.390 --> 00:43:34.130
you'd have to reteach the
teachers, et cetera, et cetera.

00:43:34.130 --> 00:43:37.060
So if you're going to
teach people to type,

00:43:37.060 --> 00:43:39.130
it makes sense to do
it one way, and this

00:43:39.130 --> 00:43:42.070
is a perfectly good way.

00:43:42.070 --> 00:43:47.600
An example I think is better
is Swiss watch making.

00:43:47.600 --> 00:43:49.880
Why is watchmaking
a Swiss thing?

00:43:54.320 --> 00:43:58.400
The historical story
you get is Swiss farmers

00:43:58.400 --> 00:44:02.090
had craft ability, and in the
wintertime in Switzerland,

00:44:02.090 --> 00:44:04.410
you don't get out
much in the fields.

00:44:04.410 --> 00:44:06.830
So there was a market
for stuff you could do

00:44:06.830 --> 00:44:08.540
in the house in the wintertime.

00:44:11.050 --> 00:44:14.090
And then, over time,
you begin to get this--

00:44:16.790 --> 00:44:20.150
you develop expertise in design.

00:44:20.150 --> 00:44:22.700
You develop expertise
in construction.

00:44:22.700 --> 00:44:25.430
You start to build
educational institutions

00:44:25.430 --> 00:44:26.850
to train a workforce.

00:44:26.850 --> 00:44:28.400
You start up a
new watch company.

00:44:28.400 --> 00:44:30.260
You can draw on skilled labor.

00:44:30.260 --> 00:44:32.450
All of a sudden, you have
computation for people.

00:44:32.450 --> 00:44:34.220
You have design computation.

00:44:34.220 --> 00:44:37.190
And the Swiss are
tough to dislodge--

00:44:37.190 --> 00:44:40.910
training, distribution
channels, design expertise.

00:44:40.910 --> 00:44:46.260
But the key thing is the initial
location was pretty arbitrary.

00:44:46.260 --> 00:44:50.140
Danish farmers are
inside in the winter too.

00:44:50.140 --> 00:44:51.660
It's cold.

00:44:51.660 --> 00:44:54.240
Norwegian farmers are
inside during the winter--

00:44:54.240 --> 00:44:56.370
Swedish farmers-- it's
cold a lot of places,

00:44:56.370 --> 00:44:57.600
and you don't get out.

00:44:57.600 --> 00:45:00.420
New Hampshire is
cold in the winter.

00:45:00.420 --> 00:45:01.530
Why Switzerland?

00:45:01.530 --> 00:45:07.080
Well, no really good story
for why Switzerland starts,

00:45:07.080 --> 00:45:10.215
but pretty good-- pretty easy
to see why Switzerland persists.

00:45:12.730 --> 00:45:15.280
There all these economies,
all these interactions

00:45:15.280 --> 00:45:20.560
that, once you're going down
the road, give you an advantage.

00:45:20.560 --> 00:45:22.720
You say, OK, Danish
farmers-- that's fabulous.

00:45:22.720 --> 00:45:24.095
They're inside
during the winter.

00:45:24.095 --> 00:45:27.950
I'm going to do
watchmaking in Denmark.

00:45:27.950 --> 00:45:31.520
Where are the skilled workers
that I can get in Switzerland?

00:45:31.520 --> 00:45:34.370
Where the access to
distribution channels?

00:45:34.370 --> 00:45:37.250
Where is the foot
traffic of watch buyers

00:45:37.250 --> 00:45:38.960
in downtown Zurich?

00:45:38.960 --> 00:45:42.110
Where are the design people
I can get in Switzerland?

00:45:42.110 --> 00:45:42.725
It's hard.

00:45:45.290 --> 00:45:48.320
Starting green field
without all that expertise,

00:45:48.320 --> 00:45:52.070
and distribution, and
everything is difficult.

00:45:52.070 --> 00:45:54.400
At day 1, it wouldn't
have been hard--

00:45:54.400 --> 00:45:55.400
hard for the Swiss.

00:45:55.400 --> 00:45:56.900
Would have been
hard for the Danish.

00:45:56.900 --> 00:45:59.930
But Swiss did it, and
once they'd done it,

00:45:59.930 --> 00:46:01.550
you get path dependence.

00:46:01.550 --> 00:46:04.670
They become hard to dislodge.

00:46:04.670 --> 00:46:11.120
So there are a lot of
examples of this in energy,

00:46:11.120 --> 00:46:14.390
where institutions
and physical systems--

00:46:14.390 --> 00:46:17.660
institutions include things
like training, and education,

00:46:17.660 --> 00:46:19.605
and policy, and all
of these things--

00:46:19.605 --> 00:46:20.105
interact.

00:46:23.000 --> 00:46:24.800
Unruh has a good
set of examples,

00:46:24.800 --> 00:46:28.220
but I will say he's
a little hysterical.

00:46:28.220 --> 00:46:33.370
Once the transformer was
invented, it was over for DC.

00:46:33.370 --> 00:46:35.530
Once you could
transmit alternating

00:46:35.530 --> 00:46:38.260
current at high voltage
without losses--

00:46:38.260 --> 00:46:40.000
with low losses
over long distance,

00:46:40.000 --> 00:46:41.710
DC was not in the game.

00:46:41.710 --> 00:46:43.900
There are also a variety
of other reasons.

00:46:43.900 --> 00:46:45.670
And the notion
that electric cars

00:46:45.670 --> 00:46:48.010
were viable, rather
than gasoline cars--

00:46:48.010 --> 00:46:49.180
not so much.

00:46:49.180 --> 00:46:52.390
They used lead acid
batteries and--

00:46:52.390 --> 00:46:55.990
anyway, he's got good
stories, but if you think

00:46:55.990 --> 00:46:59.150
about gasoline automobiles--

00:46:59.150 --> 00:47:07.480
this is his picture, and he
misses a little bit here.

00:47:07.480 --> 00:47:10.600
He talks about
positive feedbacks

00:47:10.600 --> 00:47:16.990
among demand, the gasoline
tax, and the road network.

00:47:16.990 --> 00:47:20.170
And that's true,
but if you think

00:47:20.170 --> 00:47:25.570
about the automobile in the US,
that's only part of the story.

00:47:25.570 --> 00:47:29.880
You build up manufacturing
expertise in Detroit.

00:47:29.880 --> 00:47:31.900
Think 1900 and walk forward.

00:47:31.900 --> 00:47:35.320
You build up all the things that
made Switzerland a good place

00:47:35.320 --> 00:47:38.080
to make watches made Detroit a
good place to make automobiles.

00:47:38.080 --> 00:47:39.050
It could have been St. Louis.

00:47:39.050 --> 00:47:40.175
It could have been Chicago.

00:47:40.175 --> 00:47:42.160
It was Detroit.

00:47:42.160 --> 00:47:45.400
You began to get an
accumulation of skilled workers.

00:47:45.400 --> 00:47:46.570
You got design.

00:47:46.570 --> 00:47:47.710
You got capital.

00:47:47.710 --> 00:47:49.820
You got a legal structure.

00:47:49.820 --> 00:47:53.200
So all of a sudden, you
had Detroit being very good

00:47:53.200 --> 00:47:55.820
at making automobiles.

00:47:55.820 --> 00:48:00.690
It was a policy decision
in a number of states,

00:48:00.690 --> 00:48:03.330
and then at the federal
level that a road network

00:48:03.330 --> 00:48:04.930
would be a good thing to do.

00:48:04.930 --> 00:48:09.360
So you began to develop a
set of interests there too.

00:48:09.360 --> 00:48:11.910
You have jobs here making cars.

00:48:11.910 --> 00:48:14.310
You've got jobs making roads.

00:48:14.310 --> 00:48:16.380
You've got companies
that pave roads.

00:48:16.380 --> 00:48:18.930
You've got companies
that build cars.

00:48:18.930 --> 00:48:21.690
You've got institutional
structures.

00:48:21.690 --> 00:48:27.630
Then you have a dynamic that
says, through the gasoline tax,

00:48:27.630 --> 00:48:28.800
we will--

00:48:28.800 --> 00:48:31.990
the more we drive, the
more gasoline tax we get,

00:48:31.990 --> 00:48:34.110
the more we put into
building the road network,

00:48:34.110 --> 00:48:37.980
the better the road network,
the better it is to drive.

00:48:37.980 --> 00:48:40.470
And within all of this--

00:48:40.470 --> 00:48:44.640
notice acculturation and
adaptive preferences--

00:48:44.640 --> 00:48:46.620
we learn that we can't
live without a car.

00:48:49.930 --> 00:48:51.700
People in the 19th
century, it turned out,

00:48:51.700 --> 00:48:55.120
had perfectly nice, happy
lives and never owned a car.

00:48:55.120 --> 00:48:56.830
So it is possible
for human beings

00:48:56.830 --> 00:49:01.360
to live in cities, perfectly,
happily without owning cars.

00:49:01.360 --> 00:49:05.320
But we don't believe it,
unless you're from New York.

00:49:05.320 --> 00:49:07.240
Most Americans just
can't imagine it.

00:49:07.240 --> 00:49:10.660
This is acculturation
and adaptive preferences.

00:49:10.660 --> 00:49:13.750
We're with the things
so long it becomes

00:49:13.750 --> 00:49:17.950
part of how we think the
good life is defined,

00:49:17.950 --> 00:49:20.620
what we think you need.

00:49:20.620 --> 00:49:23.920
The institution over
here, the government,

00:49:23.920 --> 00:49:26.440
is built-- you've got the
Department of Motor Vehicles,

00:49:26.440 --> 00:49:29.020
for heaven's sakes, in every
state with lots of jobs.

00:49:29.020 --> 00:49:34.780
You've got a lot of people
invested in this system.

00:49:34.780 --> 00:49:37.660
The more you drive, the more
you get tax collection, the more

00:49:37.660 --> 00:49:40.180
you build the road
network, the more driving,

00:49:40.180 --> 00:49:41.800
the more you need more roads.

00:49:41.800 --> 00:49:42.790
The system feeds.

00:49:47.830 --> 00:49:51.340
You also have people
invested in doing

00:49:51.340 --> 00:49:55.610
R&D. You have people invested
in education and training.

00:49:55.610 --> 00:49:57.580
So there's a whole
network of people

00:49:57.580 --> 00:50:01.120
who train auto repair people.

00:50:01.120 --> 00:50:05.260
Society of Automotive
Engineers gets built.

00:50:05.260 --> 00:50:08.365
You have a lot of
jobs in this system--

00:50:10.880 --> 00:50:14.810
not necessarily easy to
move, as Detroit has found.

00:50:14.810 --> 00:50:17.030
When things go bad
for automobiles,

00:50:17.030 --> 00:50:20.540
there's a lot of
political howling.

00:50:20.540 --> 00:50:22.250
You have the road network.

00:50:22.250 --> 00:50:26.060
It lasts a long time,
just as a physical object.

00:50:26.060 --> 00:50:27.350
And it's there for cars.

00:50:27.350 --> 00:50:31.280
So once you've built
it, you naturally

00:50:31.280 --> 00:50:32.880
want to use automobiles.

00:50:32.880 --> 00:50:35.360
The culture adapts.

00:50:35.360 --> 00:50:36.600
How do we think of ourselves?

00:50:36.600 --> 00:50:38.570
We think of ourselves
as people who

00:50:38.570 --> 00:50:40.100
drive in convertibles
with the top

00:50:40.100 --> 00:50:42.050
down on beautiful country roads.

00:50:42.050 --> 00:50:44.398
No, but if you watch
enough commercials--

00:50:44.398 --> 00:50:46.190
particularly if you
watch sporting events--

00:50:46.190 --> 00:50:48.560
you see so many car
commercials that involve people

00:50:48.560 --> 00:50:50.690
driving happily down the road.

00:50:50.690 --> 00:50:51.710
This is how you live.

00:50:51.710 --> 00:50:55.160
You also have a policy
regime that comes

00:50:55.160 --> 00:50:57.800
to support the whole system.

00:50:57.800 --> 00:50:59.820
It's an important
part of the economy.

00:50:59.820 --> 00:51:02.420
It's an important
part of the country.

00:51:02.420 --> 00:51:06.710
The political system,
absent some good reason,

00:51:06.710 --> 00:51:08.960
is not going to suddenly
turn against the people who

00:51:08.960 --> 00:51:10.710
build roads, the
people who drive cars,

00:51:10.710 --> 00:51:11.960
and the people who build cars.

00:51:14.720 --> 00:51:16.250
And again, the gas tax--

00:51:20.210 --> 00:51:24.110
you say, well, when new
technologies come along,

00:51:24.110 --> 00:51:26.390
of course, companies
will switch.

00:51:26.390 --> 00:51:29.060
Well, one of the things-- and
we'll come back to this when we

00:51:29.060 --> 00:51:31.340
talk about corporate
decision making--

00:51:31.340 --> 00:51:33.290
companies tend to focus--

00:51:33.290 --> 00:51:37.130
as this blurb says, tend
to focus on getting better

00:51:37.130 --> 00:51:39.620
at what they're good at.

00:51:39.620 --> 00:51:43.490
So rather than taking
dangerous leaps--

00:51:43.490 --> 00:51:46.850
so you remember Palm
and the PalmPilot?

00:51:46.850 --> 00:51:48.050
That didn't go so well.

00:51:48.050 --> 00:51:50.750
Blackberry hasn't
quite adjusted.

00:51:50.750 --> 00:51:54.500
General Motors took a
long time to turn around.

00:51:54.500 --> 00:51:56.750
There are lots of other
examples of companies

00:51:56.750 --> 00:51:59.030
that were really
good at something

00:51:59.030 --> 00:52:01.650
and stuck with it too long.

00:52:01.650 --> 00:52:05.030
So you tend not to get the
companies that are big players

00:52:05.030 --> 00:52:07.700
in a system like this--
any system like this--

00:52:07.700 --> 00:52:10.190
to be the ones that
drive the change.

00:52:10.190 --> 00:52:11.070
And then finally--

00:52:11.070 --> 00:52:14.240
I love this phrase--

00:52:14.240 --> 00:52:16.160
I'm not sure I understand
it, but I love it--

00:52:16.160 --> 00:52:20.390
historically derived subjective
modeling of the issues.

00:52:20.390 --> 00:52:22.400
The point he makes--

00:52:22.400 --> 00:52:29.780
Unruh makes is that, when
you're embedded long enough

00:52:29.780 --> 00:52:32.420
in any system that has
an impact on your life,

00:52:32.420 --> 00:52:35.960
it colors how you
think about the world--

00:52:35.960 --> 00:52:38.390
just does, necessarily does.

00:52:38.390 --> 00:52:42.800
In the 19th century,
horses mattered.

00:52:42.800 --> 00:52:45.710
People would think about
the world in a different way

00:52:45.710 --> 00:52:47.710
than they do when cars matter.

00:52:51.870 --> 00:52:57.110
A system that's-- in which you
are deeply embedded will affect

00:52:57.110 --> 00:53:01.970
how you think, typically in
a way that says more of that

00:53:01.970 --> 00:53:04.940
would be good-- not always,
but it will affect it.

00:53:09.470 --> 00:53:15.080
Economics textbooks tend to
assume, for simplicity, that we

00:53:15.080 --> 00:53:18.210
are born with our preferences.

00:53:18.210 --> 00:53:22.980
It's probably not a great
shock to you to know--

00:53:22.980 --> 00:53:26.720
and probably you've known all
along-- that's just wrong.

00:53:26.720 --> 00:53:29.000
That's just wrong.

00:53:29.000 --> 00:53:31.280
Nobody's born with a
preference for video games.

00:53:31.280 --> 00:53:32.720
You learn video games.

00:53:32.720 --> 00:53:35.690
Nobody's born with a
preference for automobiles.

00:53:35.690 --> 00:53:37.220
You learn about automobiles.

00:53:37.220 --> 00:53:39.740
Most of our preferences
are learned.

00:53:39.740 --> 00:53:41.210
And the way we learn--

00:53:41.210 --> 00:53:42.840
the automobile's
a good example--

00:53:42.840 --> 00:53:44.760
the way we learn depends
on our environment,

00:53:44.760 --> 00:53:47.090
and if x is a big part
of the environment--

00:53:47.090 --> 00:53:49.340
trees, cars, horses, dogs--

00:53:49.340 --> 00:53:53.130
it will affect your preferences.

00:53:53.130 --> 00:53:56.100
If you grew up with a dog in the
house, you probably like dogs.

00:53:56.100 --> 00:54:00.690
If you didn't, you
may be ambivalent--

00:54:00.690 --> 00:54:03.420
not that you're born loving
dogs are not loving dogs.

00:54:03.420 --> 00:54:05.160
The environment matters.

00:54:05.160 --> 00:54:09.450
So let me give you
another example.

00:54:09.450 --> 00:54:10.650
There are a lot of examples.

00:54:10.650 --> 00:54:13.170
Electricity gives
you an example.

00:54:13.170 --> 00:54:15.105
This is another one of
his lovely pictures.

00:54:17.880 --> 00:54:20.310
You start doing electricity--

00:54:20.310 --> 00:54:22.920
he says, well, you develop
a regulatory system

00:54:22.920 --> 00:54:25.650
that makes investment in
the electric power system

00:54:25.650 --> 00:54:27.930
profitable.

00:54:27.930 --> 00:54:31.350
When that's the case, you
develop a supplier network

00:54:31.350 --> 00:54:34.350
that's selling
equipment into that--

00:54:34.350 --> 00:54:35.670
to be invested.

00:54:35.670 --> 00:54:38.040
As the grid network
gets bigger, it

00:54:38.040 --> 00:54:41.400
becomes cheaper for
you to use electricity.

00:54:41.400 --> 00:54:44.130
What's missing over here
are the appliance makers

00:54:44.130 --> 00:54:48.090
that, once electricity's cheap,
begin to produce refrigerators,

00:54:48.090 --> 00:54:49.680
and air conditioners,
and all kinds

00:54:49.680 --> 00:54:54.120
of things that make electricity
more valuable-- dot, dot, dot.

00:54:54.120 --> 00:54:55.560
You have equipment.

00:54:55.560 --> 00:54:57.150
You have education.

00:54:57.150 --> 00:54:58.950
You have lots of jobs tied up.

00:54:58.950 --> 00:55:02.490
You have lots of habits
built around that system,

00:55:02.490 --> 00:55:07.380
and it becomes hard to change.

00:55:07.380 --> 00:55:12.420
Examples like this are
pretty easy to multiply.

00:55:12.420 --> 00:55:17.340
If you think about air travel,
the better the airports,

00:55:17.340 --> 00:55:18.900
the more attractive
air travel is.

00:55:18.900 --> 00:55:21.940
The better the planes are, the
more attractive air travel is.

00:55:21.940 --> 00:55:24.310
The greater the
demand for air travel,

00:55:24.310 --> 00:55:26.070
the more you build
airports, the more

00:55:26.070 --> 00:55:29.100
you invest in R&D in aircraft.

00:55:29.100 --> 00:55:33.300
We have a whole legislative
structure around air travel.

00:55:33.300 --> 00:55:36.570
We have a lot of training and
education around air travel.

00:55:36.570 --> 00:55:38.310
There's all of these
investments that

00:55:38.310 --> 00:55:42.270
make the system more attractive,
that make it grow, et cetera.

00:55:42.270 --> 00:55:46.810
That's positive
interactions along the path.

00:55:46.810 --> 00:55:50.353
Now, this is not evil stuff.

00:55:50.353 --> 00:55:52.020
The fact that you
build better airports,

00:55:52.020 --> 00:55:54.570
and you have better airplanes,
and the system works better--

00:55:54.570 --> 00:55:59.220
this is not bad, but this means,
once you go down that path--

00:55:59.220 --> 00:56:03.180
once you decide to do air,
rather than high-speed rail--

00:56:03.180 --> 00:56:06.990
the air path is
self-reinforcing.

00:56:06.990 --> 00:56:09.660
It'd be a little awkward in this
country, with our distances,

00:56:09.660 --> 00:56:11.100
but you could
imagine [INAUDIBLE]

00:56:11.100 --> 00:56:12.558
having decided
another path-- we're

00:56:12.558 --> 00:56:15.660
going to do high-speed rail.

00:56:15.660 --> 00:56:18.180
We get manufacturers
of those trains.

00:56:18.180 --> 00:56:19.855
We've got people
laying the road bed.

00:56:19.855 --> 00:56:21.480
We've got people
building the stations.

00:56:21.480 --> 00:56:24.330
It becomes more attractive to
travel by high-speed train.

00:56:24.330 --> 00:56:26.070
And somebody says,
why would you use

00:56:26.070 --> 00:56:28.260
airplanes along the East Coast?

00:56:31.650 --> 00:56:34.260
Natural gas for heating-- you
get the same kind of story.

00:56:34.260 --> 00:56:35.070
You drill wells.

00:56:35.070 --> 00:56:36.030
You build pipelines.

00:56:36.030 --> 00:56:36.660
You have laws.

00:56:36.660 --> 00:56:38.940
You have regulations.

00:56:38.940 --> 00:56:44.850
If you look at the US broadly,
our paths tend to be more

00:56:44.850 --> 00:56:49.410
energy-intensive than the
paths in other rich countries--

00:56:49.410 --> 00:56:53.340
fact-- not good, not bad-- fact.

00:56:53.340 --> 00:56:57.820
But I will say there is a little
problem with Unruh's tone.

00:56:57.820 --> 00:57:00.630
He calls this carbon lock-in.

00:57:00.630 --> 00:57:02.310
It's not carbon lock-in.

00:57:02.310 --> 00:57:04.770
It's path dependence.

00:57:04.770 --> 00:57:09.210
It wouldn't be easy to move
away from bicycles in Amsterdam.

00:57:09.210 --> 00:57:11.130
The city's kind
of built for them.

00:57:11.130 --> 00:57:12.660
The streets are
laid out for them.

00:57:12.660 --> 00:57:14.040
There are lots of repair shops.

00:57:14.040 --> 00:57:14.790
They're available.

00:57:14.790 --> 00:57:16.650
Everybody knows how to use them.

00:57:16.650 --> 00:57:18.690
People can teach you
how to ride a bike.

00:57:18.690 --> 00:57:22.050
All of those interactions are
true for the bicycle system

00:57:22.050 --> 00:57:23.550
in Amsterdam.

00:57:23.550 --> 00:57:26.930
It would not be
easy for them now.

00:57:26.930 --> 00:57:30.440
Where would you part, if
you've been in that city?

00:57:30.440 --> 00:57:32.750
Not easy to move away--

00:57:32.750 --> 00:57:35.030
Beijing was built for
public transportation.

00:57:35.030 --> 00:57:38.490
If you visit Beijing,
and if you're like me,

00:57:38.490 --> 00:57:40.490
the first thing you
think of is, my God,

00:57:40.490 --> 00:57:41.780
there's no place to part.

00:57:41.780 --> 00:57:44.990
They have these huge
apartment buildings close

00:57:44.990 --> 00:57:47.210
by each other-- very dense.

00:57:47.210 --> 00:57:50.520
If all those people had cars,
where would you put them?

00:57:53.090 --> 00:57:55.160
Now, they are moving
to the automobile path,

00:57:55.160 --> 00:57:56.240
with some pain.

00:57:56.240 --> 00:58:01.250
But once you go down that path,
which is a low-carbon path--

00:58:01.250 --> 00:58:03.170
becomes harder to move off.

00:58:03.170 --> 00:58:06.620
Similarly, London
or Paris, cities

00:58:06.620 --> 00:58:13.000
that have subway networks,
that carry a lot of people--

00:58:13.000 --> 00:58:14.470
lot of people use the subway.

00:58:14.470 --> 00:58:18.070
It becomes politically
important to make it work well.

00:58:18.070 --> 00:58:19.960
You begin to have a
workforce invested

00:58:19.960 --> 00:58:21.460
in the subway, et
cetera, et cetera.

00:58:21.460 --> 00:58:25.730
But you also have a
housing stock that's dense.

00:58:25.730 --> 00:58:27.320
So if you say, well,
we're not going

00:58:27.320 --> 00:58:32.390
to do mass transit anymore,
you have a problem.

00:58:32.390 --> 00:58:33.740
Where are people going to park?

00:58:33.740 --> 00:58:38.660
The roads aren't designed
to handle cars in quantity.

00:58:38.660 --> 00:58:40.640
You can't move off
that path easily.

00:58:40.640 --> 00:58:42.290
That's a low-carbon path.

00:58:42.290 --> 00:58:44.570
Mass transit in Beijing
is a low-carbon path.

00:58:44.570 --> 00:58:47.190
Bicycles in Amsterdam
are a low-carbon path.

00:58:47.190 --> 00:58:50.060
So it's not just carbon lock-in.

00:58:50.060 --> 00:58:51.800
It's path dependence.

00:58:51.800 --> 00:58:54.650
It's, once you start
going down a path--

00:58:54.650 --> 00:58:57.830
in some systems, not every
system you can think of--

00:58:57.830 --> 00:59:02.520
but in some systems,
parts of the system

00:59:02.520 --> 00:59:05.470
interact positively with
other parts of the system,

00:59:05.470 --> 00:59:07.740
making it more and more
attractive and harder

00:59:07.740 --> 00:59:10.390
and harder to leave.

00:59:10.390 --> 00:59:13.240
OK so far?

00:59:13.240 --> 00:59:16.050
So I hope I've convinced
you that you can never

00:59:16.050 --> 00:59:22.560
change energy systems,
because that's wrong.

00:59:22.560 --> 00:59:25.470
It has been done in
lots-- lots of times.

00:59:25.470 --> 00:59:27.990
Clipper ships--
well, think about it.

00:59:27.990 --> 00:59:29.430
You had people making sales.

00:59:29.430 --> 00:59:30.630
You had designers.

00:59:30.630 --> 00:59:32.190
You had shipyards.

00:59:32.190 --> 00:59:35.280
And sailing technology you
can trace over the years.

00:59:35.280 --> 00:59:38.460
Sailing technology got
better and better and better,

00:59:38.460 --> 00:59:42.100
and carried more and more
commerce faster and faster.

00:59:42.100 --> 00:59:43.620
So this was a path.

00:59:43.620 --> 00:59:47.940
The whole world
was on that path.

00:59:47.940 --> 00:59:49.770
That's gas light.

00:59:49.770 --> 00:59:53.130
That's one of the last gas
lights in London being lit.

00:59:53.130 --> 00:59:56.610
Streets used to be lit with gas.

00:59:56.610 --> 00:59:59.940
Homes were too, but
particularly public areas

00:59:59.940 --> 01:00:02.250
were illuminated at
night with gas lights.

01:00:02.250 --> 01:00:03.220
That's a path.

01:00:03.220 --> 01:00:05.850
You have people who learn
how to learn the technology.

01:00:05.850 --> 01:00:07.188
You've invested in training.

01:00:07.188 --> 01:00:08.730
You've invested in
the infrastructure

01:00:08.730 --> 01:00:10.470
to get the gas there--

01:00:10.470 --> 01:00:11.280
whole thing works.

01:00:11.280 --> 01:00:14.310
People like light at night.

01:00:14.310 --> 01:00:17.940
That is a coal-powered
locomotive

01:00:17.940 --> 01:00:20.430
drawing a passenger train.

01:00:20.430 --> 01:00:23.460
19th century-- locomotives
got better and better.

01:00:23.460 --> 01:00:25.290
Railroads employed
a lot of people--

01:00:25.290 --> 01:00:27.330
lot of fixed capital there.

01:00:27.330 --> 01:00:29.910
Passenger trains went
from city to city.

01:00:29.910 --> 01:00:32.700
I believe the locomotive
speed record in the US

01:00:32.700 --> 01:00:34.680
was set in 1910.

01:00:34.680 --> 01:00:38.730
At any rate, you had a
whole system built up--

01:00:41.610 --> 01:00:42.510
coal-fired.

01:00:45.690 --> 01:00:49.350
Coal-fired passenger
trains-- very important

01:00:49.350 --> 01:00:51.737
intercity system.

01:00:51.737 --> 01:00:53.070
And here's everybody's favorite.

01:00:53.070 --> 01:00:57.150
This is Los Angeles in 1909.

01:00:57.150 --> 01:01:01.350
Southern California had an
extraordinarily extensive set

01:01:01.350 --> 01:01:02.700
of streetcars.

01:01:02.700 --> 01:01:03.780
You could go anywhere.

01:01:03.780 --> 01:01:05.843
If you've seen the movie
Roger Rabbit, where

01:01:05.843 --> 01:01:08.010
the character says, who
needs a car in Los Angeles--

01:01:08.010 --> 01:01:13.200
you ride these--
again, all the system

01:01:13.200 --> 01:01:15.780
effects I talked
about are there.

01:01:15.780 --> 01:01:17.640
You've got the
owners of the system.

01:01:17.640 --> 01:01:19.520
You've got a large labor force.

01:01:19.520 --> 01:01:21.400
It requires technology.

01:01:21.400 --> 01:01:23.410
There's also a nice
network effect.

01:01:23.410 --> 01:01:25.560
The more of these you
build, the more attractive

01:01:25.560 --> 01:01:27.750
the whole system becomes.

01:01:27.750 --> 01:01:29.310
So one route-- not so great.

01:01:29.310 --> 01:01:30.270
Two routes-- better.

01:01:30.270 --> 01:01:32.190
Three routes-- even
better, because you can

01:01:32.190 --> 01:01:33.540
go lots of different places.

01:01:33.540 --> 01:01:35.700
There are system effects.

01:01:35.700 --> 01:01:39.200
All of those systems went away.

01:01:39.200 --> 01:01:42.650
All of those systems, with all
of the same things I was just

01:01:42.650 --> 01:01:45.080
talking about, went away.

01:01:45.080 --> 01:01:48.120
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]
Do you happen

01:01:48.120 --> 01:01:52.540
to know how come it
happened that LA really

01:01:52.540 --> 01:01:55.830
abandoned the whole care thing?

01:01:55.830 --> 01:01:58.762
Was it something
specific or [INAUDIBLE]

01:01:58.762 --> 01:02:00.720
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: I
will tell you the story.

01:02:00.720 --> 01:02:05.890
The story has a
couple of dimensions.

01:02:05.890 --> 01:02:09.000
Sometimes it's just
something better comes along.

01:02:09.000 --> 01:02:15.300
Steam turned out, after a lot
of R&D, to be better than sail.

01:02:15.300 --> 01:02:18.010
The first steam
ships were lousy.

01:02:18.010 --> 01:02:19.740
There's a lovely
museum in Munich

01:02:19.740 --> 01:02:21.900
that actually lays
this out nicely.

01:02:21.900 --> 01:02:24.000
The first steam
ships could basically

01:02:24.000 --> 01:02:27.540
carry enough coal to make
it across the Atlantic

01:02:27.540 --> 01:02:29.640
without much cargo.

01:02:29.640 --> 01:02:31.950
They were very inefficient.

01:02:31.950 --> 01:02:33.780
And efficiency really matters--

01:02:33.780 --> 01:02:36.510
how efficient that engine
is, because it depends--

01:02:36.510 --> 01:02:38.490
it determines how much
fuel you have to carry.

01:02:38.490 --> 01:02:41.010
And if you have to carry a
lot of fuel to go someplace,

01:02:41.010 --> 01:02:43.260
it's a lousy venture,
even though it gets there

01:02:43.260 --> 01:02:46.110
much faster and more reliably.

01:02:46.110 --> 01:02:50.157
So it took a lot of R&D.
Gas to electric lights--

01:02:50.157 --> 01:02:51.240
that was a little quicker.

01:02:51.240 --> 01:02:54.690
The arc light turned out to be
pretty good, and pretty early.

01:02:54.690 --> 01:02:57.900
Coal to diesel locomotives--
well, that took a while.

01:02:57.900 --> 01:03:00.690
The first diesel locomotives
appeared in the '20s,

01:03:00.690 --> 01:03:04.830
and you really didn't have
diesel phased out for long haul

01:03:04.830 --> 01:03:07.500
until the late '40s, '50s.

01:03:07.500 --> 01:03:08.970
You had some diesel.

01:03:08.970 --> 01:03:11.490
It took a while,
but it happened.

01:03:11.490 --> 01:03:12.180
It happened.

01:03:18.370 --> 01:03:20.470
So sometimes it took
changes in policy.

01:03:20.470 --> 01:03:22.330
To really wipe
out the railroads,

01:03:22.330 --> 01:03:25.000
you needed the interstate
highway system.

01:03:25.000 --> 01:03:27.880
To get nuclear power,
you needed federal policy

01:03:27.880 --> 01:03:30.490
to limit the liability
of nuclear plant owners.

01:03:30.490 --> 01:03:36.010
You needed environmental policy
to really hit coal generation.

01:03:36.010 --> 01:03:39.790
What happened in Los Angeles--

01:03:39.790 --> 01:03:42.490
there are two stories.

01:03:42.490 --> 01:03:44.770
The Los Angeles
streetcar network

01:03:44.770 --> 01:03:49.030
was largely built by
real estate developers,

01:03:49.030 --> 01:03:52.390
because it was a way of making
outlying properties more

01:03:52.390 --> 01:03:53.990
valuable.

01:03:53.990 --> 01:03:56.290
So the argument I've heard
is that Southern California

01:03:56.290 --> 01:03:59.470
got sprawl before
it got automobiles,

01:03:59.470 --> 01:04:03.960
because the idea was, we
can build streetcars out

01:04:03.960 --> 01:04:06.850
to there, so they can
go from there downtown.

01:04:06.850 --> 01:04:08.770
That makes that land valuable.

01:04:08.770 --> 01:04:14.510
And the argument was
that's how they built it.

01:04:14.510 --> 01:04:19.990
They overbuilt it, because this
was a land speculation game.

01:04:19.990 --> 01:04:22.030
So they overbuilt it.

01:04:22.030 --> 01:04:27.900
And then you had companies
that wanted to sell buses.

01:04:27.900 --> 01:04:32.550
GM wanted to sell buses, so
GM lobbied to shut it down.

01:04:32.550 --> 01:04:34.320
GM bought pieces of it.

01:04:34.320 --> 01:04:36.570
Buses have advantages.

01:04:36.570 --> 01:04:39.030
So eventually, the trolleys
got replaced by buses,

01:04:39.030 --> 01:04:42.090
which got replaced by cars.

01:04:42.090 --> 01:04:43.890
Again, you had ownership.

01:04:43.890 --> 01:04:45.300
You had a system.

01:04:45.300 --> 01:04:47.093
You had interactions
of various kinds.

01:04:47.093 --> 01:04:48.510
The electric
companies, of course,

01:04:48.510 --> 01:04:53.320
loved trolleys, because
they're low during the daytime.

01:04:53.320 --> 01:04:55.320
One of the problems early
electric companies had

01:04:55.320 --> 01:05:00.090
was all the demand was at night,
so you used your assets only

01:05:00.090 --> 01:05:01.140
when it was dark.

01:05:01.140 --> 01:05:02.280
Trolleys were great.

01:05:02.280 --> 01:05:04.770
You could keep the whole
system running all day long.

01:05:04.770 --> 01:05:06.392
So they loved them.

01:05:06.392 --> 01:05:08.100
The people who worked
on them loved them.

01:05:08.100 --> 01:05:09.017
The owners loved them.

01:05:09.017 --> 01:05:11.760
They got beat out in part
because the systems were

01:05:11.760 --> 01:05:14.910
overbuilt, in part
because buses had

01:05:14.910 --> 01:05:21.660
certain operational advantages,
in part for political reasons.

01:05:21.660 --> 01:05:23.910
It wasn't just Los Angeles.

01:05:23.910 --> 01:05:25.740
You could travel
across a large part

01:05:25.740 --> 01:05:30.690
of the country on trolleys,
and they went away everywhere--

01:05:30.690 --> 01:05:31.550
mostly went away.

01:05:36.060 --> 01:05:38.610
Old-- "old."

01:05:38.610 --> 01:05:41.670
energy systems
can be displaced--

01:05:41.670 --> 01:05:44.370
sometimes R&D, something
better comes along.

01:05:44.370 --> 01:05:46.110
Sometimes changes in policy.

01:05:46.110 --> 01:05:47.100
Sometimes both.

01:05:50.280 --> 01:05:52.950
One of the problems
that, again, we

01:05:52.950 --> 01:05:56.400
will look at in a number of
settings as we go forward

01:05:56.400 --> 01:05:59.800
is the so-called
chicken egg problem.

01:05:59.800 --> 01:06:03.840
So suppose you wanted
to say, gee, natural gas

01:06:03.840 --> 01:06:07.140
is a better transportation
fuel than oil--

01:06:07.140 --> 01:06:11.490
right now it's a lot cheaper,
and we have a lot of it here--

01:06:11.490 --> 01:06:14.070
well, I'm not going
to buy a natural gas

01:06:14.070 --> 01:06:19.010
car unless I can fill it, unless
there are places I can refuel.

01:06:19.010 --> 01:06:22.580
And I'm not going to have a
natural gas filling station

01:06:22.580 --> 01:06:25.130
unless there are cars.

01:06:25.130 --> 01:06:26.380
That's a chicken egg problem.

01:06:29.470 --> 01:06:33.520
You need them both, and nobody's
going to invest in one side

01:06:33.520 --> 01:06:36.430
unless there's some assurance
that you're going to get

01:06:36.430 --> 01:06:38.200
investment in the other side.

01:06:38.200 --> 01:06:43.390
You don't build fancy
airplanes for passenger

01:06:43.390 --> 01:06:45.520
travel unless
there are airports,

01:06:45.520 --> 01:06:47.260
but why would you
invest in an airport

01:06:47.260 --> 01:06:50.620
unless people are going to use
it to travel on fancy planes?

01:06:50.620 --> 01:06:52.930
So most of these systems
had chicken egg problems.

01:06:52.930 --> 01:06:55.953
Automobiles are pretty
useless without good roads,

01:06:55.953 --> 01:06:57.370
but why would you
build good roads

01:06:57.370 --> 01:06:59.590
unless there's going
to be a lot of traffic?

01:06:59.590 --> 01:07:06.640
So most new systems
faced this problem.

01:07:06.640 --> 01:07:10.958
Oh, yeah, you-- why did Edison
invent the electric light?

01:07:10.958 --> 01:07:13.000
Well, Edison invented the
electric light because,

01:07:13.000 --> 01:07:14.500
without a reliable
electric light,

01:07:14.500 --> 01:07:17.320
what was the point of
generating electricity?

01:07:17.320 --> 01:07:19.460
There'd be no market for it.

01:07:19.460 --> 01:07:22.150
So without a light,
there's no market

01:07:22.150 --> 01:07:25.600
for electricity in the 1880s.

01:07:25.600 --> 01:07:27.995
So he needed to do both.

01:07:27.995 --> 01:07:30.370
If he was going to do something,
he had to do the system.

01:07:30.370 --> 01:07:34.120
He had to have the
generator and the bulb--

01:07:34.120 --> 01:07:38.300
useless without each
other, without the other.

01:07:38.300 --> 01:07:40.780
So a lot of these new systems
face chicken egg problems,

01:07:40.780 --> 01:07:43.180
but one of the
things we're going

01:07:43.180 --> 01:07:50.170
to talk about on and off is
replacing energy systems,

01:07:50.170 --> 01:07:53.050
and how that might happen.

01:07:53.050 --> 01:07:55.000
You see some obstacles.

01:07:55.000 --> 01:07:57.160
This last slide is intended
to point out to you

01:07:57.160 --> 01:07:59.470
that they are not forever.

01:07:59.470 --> 01:08:03.430
Energy systems will change.

01:08:03.430 --> 01:08:05.860
Coal-fired power
plants will not be

01:08:05.860 --> 01:08:08.540
a major part of this country's
energy system in 2100.

01:08:08.540 --> 01:08:12.430
You can probably bet
good money on that--

01:08:12.430 --> 01:08:14.500
nothing like the ones we have.

01:08:14.500 --> 01:08:17.457
But getting there will
take a little work.

01:08:17.457 --> 01:08:19.540
And who knows-- maybe
gasoline-powered automobiles

01:08:19.540 --> 01:08:20.439
won't either.

01:08:20.439 --> 01:08:24.729
OK, questions, comments,
reactions, thoughts?

01:08:24.729 --> 01:08:25.710
You're on today.

01:08:25.710 --> 01:08:26.660
Yes?

01:08:26.660 --> 01:08:27.979
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

01:08:27.979 --> 01:08:28.930
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE:
You can't get an A just

01:08:28.930 --> 01:08:29.740
from participation.

01:08:29.740 --> 01:08:30.609
I just want you to know that.

01:08:30.609 --> 01:08:31.240
OK.

01:08:31.240 --> 01:08:32.149
It's all good, but--

01:08:32.149 --> 01:08:32.649
OK.

01:08:32.649 --> 01:08:35.232
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE] question
regarding developing countries.

01:08:35.232 --> 01:08:37.053
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: Yeah?

01:08:37.053 --> 01:08:38.470
AUDIENCE: One thing
I was thinking

01:08:38.470 --> 01:08:42.250
while you were speaking is,
at some point, you need to--

01:08:42.250 --> 01:08:44.500
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: They
need to make choices and get

01:08:44.500 --> 01:08:45.250
on paths.

01:08:45.250 --> 01:08:46.840
AUDIENCE: Yeah, exactly.

01:08:46.840 --> 01:08:49.540
Because if you want, you can
perpetuate everything back

01:08:49.540 --> 01:08:52.379
to cavemen and everything
[INAUDIBLE] some sort

01:08:52.379 --> 01:08:54.670
of [INAUDIBLE] so
it's quite hard to--

01:08:54.670 --> 01:08:57.823
so I was just thinking it's
for [INAUDIBLE] developing

01:08:57.823 --> 01:09:01.649
countries, One is when
they make a choice--

01:09:01.649 --> 01:09:04.330
having spoken about
everything today,

01:09:04.330 --> 01:09:06.850
it's that very often
I feel that there's

01:09:06.850 --> 01:09:10.210
this narrow-minded--
after what we spoke

01:09:10.210 --> 01:09:13.630
about the cost-benefit analysis
[INAUDIBLE] in the sense

01:09:13.630 --> 01:09:16.744
that you might say,
OK, a natural gas power

01:09:16.744 --> 01:09:19.660
plant is more expensive than
a coal one, so let's go ahead

01:09:19.660 --> 01:09:22.180
and build a coal power
plant [INAUDIBLE]

01:09:22.180 --> 01:09:23.500
build coal power plants.

01:09:23.500 --> 01:09:26.689
But you go down a path
which you may not--

01:09:26.689 --> 01:09:29.380
that you should definitely
take into account--

01:09:29.380 --> 01:09:31.149
you might build some
sort of expertise

01:09:31.149 --> 01:09:33.575
in something and everything
that we talk about.

01:09:33.575 --> 01:09:35.319
So that's one thing,
and I'm not sure

01:09:35.319 --> 01:09:37.569
if it's done at all in
developing countries.

01:09:37.569 --> 01:09:41.590
And the other thing is, in
theory, given that you're--

01:09:41.590 --> 01:09:46.810
if you think [INAUDIBLE] a
blank check have no [INAUDIBLE]

01:09:46.810 --> 01:09:50.350
dependance, wouldn't
it makes sense

01:09:50.350 --> 01:09:53.740
to see that whatever choice is
made by these sort of countries

01:09:53.740 --> 01:09:59.980
is the most optimal,
given what they've

01:09:59.980 --> 01:10:01.520
seen with other countries?

01:10:01.520 --> 01:10:04.510
So if I'm a country
that has nothing--

01:10:04.510 --> 01:10:08.230
I have no universal health
care, so-- and I see all these

01:10:08.230 --> 01:10:10.850
models, I say, which
one's the best,

01:10:10.850 --> 01:10:13.547
of course for my conditions,
but wouldn't that--

01:10:13.547 --> 01:10:14.630
RICHARD SCHMALENSEE: Yeah.

01:10:17.418 --> 01:10:18.460
You're making two points.

01:10:18.460 --> 01:10:20.980
Let me just respond briefly,
and then I'll let everybody go.

01:10:24.820 --> 01:10:27.100
Sometimes you do
have a clean slate.

01:10:27.100 --> 01:10:28.600
Sometimes you do
have a clean slate.

01:10:33.870 --> 01:10:36.494
I remember a visit to Kyoto--

01:10:36.494 --> 01:10:38.555
no, Nagoya.

01:10:38.555 --> 01:10:39.930
I was actually in
the government,

01:10:39.930 --> 01:10:44.100
and I was being walked
around by a local official.

01:10:44.100 --> 01:10:47.100
And I was commenting
on how attractive

01:10:47.100 --> 01:10:51.150
the broad boulevards and
squares they had were.

01:10:51.150 --> 01:10:56.190
And he looked at me and he said,
well, there was nothing here,

01:10:56.190 --> 01:10:57.660
so we could design a city.

01:11:00.480 --> 01:11:05.200
You don't feel good when you've
just walked into one of those.

01:11:05.200 --> 01:11:06.360
But sometimes that's true.

01:11:06.360 --> 01:11:08.280
The Cambodians, for instance--

01:11:08.280 --> 01:11:10.980
you got imported oil to
generate your electricity.

01:11:10.980 --> 01:11:12.720
You're burning wood.

01:11:12.720 --> 01:11:15.000
You have a relatively
clean slate,

01:11:15.000 --> 01:11:20.220
and you can decide what to do,
but the other side of the coin

01:11:20.220 --> 01:11:23.890
is you have a lot of
really poor people.

01:11:23.890 --> 01:11:27.210
China's not building
coal-fired power plants

01:11:27.210 --> 01:11:31.680
because they're not thinking
about tomorrow at all.

01:11:31.680 --> 01:11:34.590
They're balancing
tomorrow against today.

01:11:34.590 --> 01:11:37.630
They have hundreds of millions
of wretchedly poor people

01:11:37.630 --> 01:11:38.130
still.

01:11:41.940 --> 01:11:46.200
Do I want to make my
grandchildren better off,

01:11:46.200 --> 01:11:47.190
or do--

01:11:47.190 --> 01:11:49.230
their grandchildren
better off, or do I

01:11:49.230 --> 01:11:51.330
want to make them
better off now?

01:11:51.330 --> 01:11:53.880
That's not an easy choice.

01:11:53.880 --> 01:11:58.710
And a responsible government
will wrestle with it,

01:11:58.710 --> 01:12:00.360
but you don't always--

01:12:00.360 --> 01:12:02.370
the answer isn't
always to put yourself

01:12:02.370 --> 01:12:04.170
on the path that looks
best in a century.

01:12:07.360 --> 01:12:09.360
They're trying to do the
right thing, I believe,

01:12:09.360 --> 01:12:13.020
but figuring out what the
right thing is is not trivial.

01:12:13.020 --> 01:12:14.550
Anybody else?

01:12:14.550 --> 01:12:16.100
OK.