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JOSE: A lot of the assumptions,
like the emergence of Creole,

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have been in the last 200, 300--

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I don't know how long.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: 17th
century, roughly, in Haiti.

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JOSE: Is there
any other language

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that are not Creoles that we
know developed in the last 500

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years?

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: Well, if
what I'm saying is right--

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English itself--
modern English--

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has developed not that long ago.

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Because middle English was up
to 14th, 15th, 16th century.

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English was developing in the
16th century, 17th century--

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English the way we know it.

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So that variety of English
is relatively much younger

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than what Chaucer spoke.

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So there is a
notion of that fact

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that we call English,
English, can be an illusion.

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Because there has
been many English

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throughout the centuries.

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If you focus on English as
a broader umbrella, then,

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of course, it's old.

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But if you focus on
English as we speak it now,

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it's relatively recent.

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So even back might not make
the right cut between, say--

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and, actually, sign languages--
did you mention sign languages?

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JOSE: Yes.

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Because in some sense,
maybe part of the bayous

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could be that even
the first Haitian--

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at some point, we are
saying that Haitian Creole

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is a separate
language from French.

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so at some point, there was a--

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MICHEL DEGRAFF:
There was a break.

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JOSE: Yeah, like
the first instance

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that we consider this
a different language

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happened fairly recently.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: That's right.

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JOSE: So I was wondering if
could that give more evidence

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that this bias could be racial?

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Is there any other
language that we

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know has emerged
fairly recently and we

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see how they treat that
differently compared to Creole?

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: You
mentioned Spanglish, right?

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One could say that Spanglish
might be even younger, right?

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SPEAKER 1: It's a lot
younger, maybe 30, 40 years.

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But the thing is, it's
not considered a language.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: Well,
actually, it's changing.

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I heard recently that,
at some universities

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on the west coast--

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I was told that by
Professor Spadofa.

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Me and Noam Chomsky were
at an interview with Noam.

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And she gave us the news
that these universities

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were going to start teaching
Spanglish as a language.

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SPEAKER 1: You know which one?

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: I have to
listen to the interview again.

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She did tell us.

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But I don't remember which
one, but it's a first.

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It's the first in the
history of Spanglish.

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Finally, there is
on university that's

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agreed to teach
Spanglish as a language.

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I think that's
remarkable, right?

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SPEAKER 1: Yeah, it's awesome.

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But it's not what
Jose is talking about,

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just because English
and Spanish were

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somewhat prestigious languages
in and of themselves,

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and the whole point of Creole
is that it's not prestigious.

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JOSE: So I have to think.

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Because at the same
time, I know there's

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a lot of people in Haiti
who them themselves don't

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think Creole is a language.

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So maybe I'm being like, well,
Spanglish is not a language.

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In some sense, it's because
you know two languages.

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And you purposely mix them
because it's convenient.

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But I feel like nobody
would say that is a--

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: But
actually, languages

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have emerged like that.

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In Canada, there is a
language called Michif.

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Michif is also a mix of French
and some Algonquin language.

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There is one in the Indies
called Media Lengua.

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In fact, even the name
tells you that it's

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a mix of this [INAUDIBLE].

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It's called Media Lengua.

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What is Media Lengua?

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It's a mix between
Spanish and Kichwa.

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You see?

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And Media Lengua is the
language of the community.

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and actually, that case
is very interesting.

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Because Media Lengua was
created really mid-way.

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Because in the valley, you
had the rich colonizers,

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the Spanish people.

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And in the top of the mountains,
you had the Kichwa speakers.

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And then, in between,
you had these people

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who were, in terms
of the social class,

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in the midpoint between
the rich Spaniards

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and the oppressed
Kichwa speakers.

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And they developed
Media Lengua as a way

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to show that they
were different,

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that they were not exactly
like the Kichwa speakers,

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but they were not at the level
yet of the Spanish speakers.

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And they used that mixing.

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So at first, one could imagine
that people would say, well,

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it's another language.

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It's just this random mix of
Kichwa words and Spanish words.

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But now, Media
Lengua is a language

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spoken by a community of people
who, at first, were bilingual.

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But now their main
language is Media Lengua.

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JOSE: When you combine
languages, that's how it feels.

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I really only combine
English and Spanish

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when I know the other person
feels most comfortable speaking

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that.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: I
think, Ose, you'll

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be interested to read about
the history of Media Lengua.

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Because I think what
you're describing

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in terms of that feeling
that's you know both,

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and that you're speaking to
someone who can understand

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both, that's what's
been described

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by people who've looked at--

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So the key linguist here
that you should look at,

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his name is Pieter Muysken.

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So look up Pieter Muysken.

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OK, so it was a beautiful
work describing the origins,

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the structure of Media Lengua.

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And then what you have to do as
you read that is ask yourself,

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is he describing what I feel
now when I speak Spanglish?

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I don't know what the answer is.

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But that's what comes to my
mind as you describe Spanglish.

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I think of Media Langua.

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JOSE: Most Mexicans
don't identify too much

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with the use of Spanglish.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF:
Well, that's exactly

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the way this was created.

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Because Media
Langua, the speakers

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wanted to create a
new identity for them.

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They didn't want to see
themselves as if they

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were purely Kichwa speakers,
nor were they Europeans.

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So they wanted to create this
compromise between the two

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identities.

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And they use that mix
of Kichwa and Spanish

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to create a new
badge of identity.

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Now I don't know whether that's
the same thing for Spanglish.

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But from what you describe,
it sounds interestingly

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reminiscent to that story.

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STUDENT 2: You may have
just touched on it,

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but I was going to ask if--

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he was talking about
how Mexican's don't

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identify with Spanglish,
and they don't speak it.

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But is that how these speakers
of French and Algonquin--

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: Yeah, Michif.

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STUDENT 2: --is that
how they felt when

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they developed that language?

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Because that could be part
of the evolutionary process.

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He could be describing that it's
[INAUDIBLE] own way of starting

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its own language.

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Eventually, the
umbilical cord gets cut.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: So I think
the history of Michif

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has another twist, which is
that there was a gender issue.

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I think there was an issue
of there were Algonquin women

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meeting with French speakers.

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So there's another
aspect that's not

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part of neither Spanglish
nor Media Lengua, which

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is the gender part of it and
with who spoke Algonquin,

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and who spoke French.

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And it was mostly women
who spoke Algonquin.

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go ahead.

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STUDENT 3: I feel like there's
certain dialects of Spanish

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that, in some ways, use
Spanglish legitimately,

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like maybe that's
how it would be.

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Like, "par-kare," which is not
how you actually say to park

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the car.

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But that would be considered
Spanglish, wouldn't it?

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[INTERPOSING VOICES]

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JOSE: For example,
I'm from the border.

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I'm from [INAUDIBLE].

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And we definitely use a
lot of words that have

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English origin, like "troka."

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We use "troka" instead
of [INAUDIBLE]..

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I didn't know that was the
origin until I was 17, 18.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: So
you were using troka

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without knowing
that was was with--

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JOSE: Yeah, yeah.

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Because it doesn't feel like
an English-- you're just--

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: Troka.

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JOSE: Yeah.

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And do, OK.

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Of course it looks
like a Spanish word.

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It just feels like
you're borrowing

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words more than
something independent.

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I only really combine
English and Spanish

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when I'm speaking with somebody
who the bass line is English.

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But I have to alternate.

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I don't know.

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It doesn't feel like--

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I don't know.

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MICHEL DEGRAFF: OK.

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So that could be an
interesting research project

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because in this case, you
would be your own subject.

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So I think that's a fascinating
question that you could ask.