WEBVTT 00:00:05.405 --> 00:00:08.408 So what we've seen is that there's this belief, right? 00:00:08.408 --> 00:00:11.111 So now it sounds very familiar that Creole language 00:00:11.111 --> 00:00:15.248 has emerged through these abnormal breaks, 00:00:15.248 --> 00:00:17.450 structural breaks that, according 00:00:17.450 --> 00:00:20.954 to many linguists-- perhaps, most linguists-- put Creoles 00:00:20.954 --> 00:00:25.291 outside the realm of quote, "normal languages." 00:00:25.291 --> 00:00:26.826 And I have to insist on the quote 00:00:26.826 --> 00:00:28.061 because I don't believe that. 00:00:28.061 --> 00:00:29.763 I want to say it upfront. 00:00:29.763 --> 00:00:32.265 I don't believe that Creoles are to be 00:00:32.265 --> 00:00:36.169 excluded from the realm of normal languages. 00:00:36.169 --> 00:00:38.271 And from your Mud Card feedback, it's 00:00:38.271 --> 00:00:40.640 clear that you yourself are feeling 00:00:40.640 --> 00:00:44.310 very unhappy with this classification. 00:00:44.310 --> 00:00:45.345 So what are we doing now? 00:00:45.345 --> 00:00:47.680 We're doing something very-- which I hope is scientific. 00:00:47.680 --> 00:00:49.783 We're looking at the claims, what 00:00:49.783 --> 00:00:53.953 do they imply for the actual structures of Creoles 00:00:53.953 --> 00:00:58.725 as I speak them, as Karen's parents speak them, 00:00:58.725 --> 00:01:00.493 as real living systems. 00:01:00.493 --> 00:01:03.463 So what do these claims mean for those real languages 00:01:03.463 --> 00:01:05.230 that people actually speak in their homes, 00:01:05.230 --> 00:01:07.067 in their schools, et cetera? 00:01:07.067 --> 00:01:08.801 So this is the basic question. 00:01:08.801 --> 00:01:11.371 So are these, quote unquote, "dicontinuities" 00:01:11.371 --> 00:01:13.873 that we find in the history of Creoles, 00:01:13.873 --> 00:01:16.309 are the deeply distinct from what you 00:01:16.309 --> 00:01:18.311 find in the history of English? 00:01:18.311 --> 00:01:20.447 And this is what we're looking at the last time. 00:01:20.447 --> 00:01:24.951 And then, once we have the results of this comparison, 00:01:24.951 --> 00:01:27.220 then we can ask, so what does that mean 00:01:27.220 --> 00:01:31.724 in terms of what we should believe about Creole languages. 00:01:31.724 --> 00:01:36.696 So this is just a summary of what we discussed last week. 00:01:36.696 --> 00:01:38.631 So what we saw in that summary is 00:01:38.631 --> 00:01:43.269 that both in its lexicon, in its vocabulary, 00:01:43.269 --> 00:01:45.305 but also in terms of its syntax-- 00:01:45.305 --> 00:01:48.908 and we focused on one particular aspect of English syntax 00:01:48.908 --> 00:01:52.912 having to do with where you pronounce the verb, 00:01:52.912 --> 00:01:55.014 without the adverb. 00:01:55.014 --> 00:01:58.485 And there's some examples where English has a very different 00:01:58.485 --> 00:02:02.589 order now than it had in middle English, 00:02:02.589 --> 00:02:04.991 like the 14th, 15th century. 00:02:04.991 --> 00:02:08.261 Not only that, we also saw that English, in a way, 00:02:08.261 --> 00:02:13.933 has broken the morphology, the conjugation of middle English. 00:02:13.933 --> 00:02:16.836 So what we see in the history of English 00:02:16.836 --> 00:02:20.440 is a set of comparative facts that 00:02:20.440 --> 00:02:22.742 show that the history of English, in a way, 00:02:22.742 --> 00:02:26.379 is very much like the history of Haitian Creole 00:02:26.379 --> 00:02:28.681 as it emerged from French. 00:02:28.681 --> 00:02:31.384 In fact, what we saw is that, if you 00:02:31.384 --> 00:02:33.820 look at the vocabulary of English, 00:02:33.820 --> 00:02:36.555 it's much more, quote unquote, "macaronic." 00:02:36.555 --> 00:02:38.658 It's a much more mixed vocabulary 00:02:38.658 --> 00:02:41.594 in terms of words coming from French, from Latin, 00:02:41.594 --> 00:02:45.331 from other languages as compared to the vocabulary of Haitian 00:02:45.331 --> 00:02:48.801 Creole, which is at least 90% French. 00:02:48.801 --> 00:02:52.972 So on one hand, you have a Creole language with the, quote 00:02:52.972 --> 00:02:54.941 unquote, "well-behaved" vocabulary, 00:02:54.941 --> 00:02:57.010 where most of the words come from one language. 00:02:57.010 --> 00:02:58.945 And on the other hand, you have English, 00:02:58.945 --> 00:03:02.348 which is supposed to be a normal, genetic language 00:03:02.348 --> 00:03:03.750 that nobody disrespects. 00:03:03.750 --> 00:03:05.718 English is a world language in a way. 00:03:05.718 --> 00:03:08.888 It's a [INAUDIBLE] But yet, English, in its vocabulary, 00:03:08.888 --> 00:03:11.491 is much more macaronic, much more misbehaving, 00:03:11.491 --> 00:03:15.461 than, I think, words from all over the world, so to speak. 00:03:15.461 --> 00:03:18.565 So what we did conclude-- 00:03:18.565 --> 00:03:21.301 and we're going to actually see more data that 00:03:21.301 --> 00:03:23.369 will support this conclusion-- is 00:03:23.369 --> 00:03:26.940 that, with respect to the syntax and the morphology of verbs 00:03:26.940 --> 00:03:29.509 and also in terms of its lexicon, 00:03:29.509 --> 00:03:34.079 there is no key difference between creolization 00:03:34.079 --> 00:03:36.816 in the history of Haitian Creole versus language change 00:03:36.816 --> 00:03:38.351 as in the history of English. 00:03:38.351 --> 00:03:40.053 In fact, if there's any difference, 00:03:40.053 --> 00:03:43.289 it would make English out Creole Haitian Creole. 00:03:43.289 --> 00:03:46.859 English would be even more Creole 00:03:46.859 --> 00:03:49.395 in a particular way than Haitian Creole. 00:03:49.395 --> 00:03:51.497 And now what I want to show you very quickly 00:03:51.497 --> 00:03:55.635 is that these facts come up throughout the grammar 00:03:55.635 --> 00:03:56.668 of English. 00:03:56.668 --> 00:03:58.905 So here, we're going to look at one other set of facts 00:03:58.905 --> 00:04:02.175 having to do with where you pronounce object pronouns. 00:04:02.175 --> 00:04:05.345 So I'm going to give you some examples from Haitian Creole. 00:04:05.345 --> 00:04:07.180 So by now, you should-- 00:04:07.180 --> 00:04:10.350 Bouki and Boukinet should be very familiar. 00:04:10.350 --> 00:04:14.187 They are folk characters in Haitian tales 00:04:14.187 --> 00:04:17.390 that, when I was a kid, I would listen to. 00:04:17.390 --> 00:04:21.394 Bouki is supposed to be like a not very smart character. 00:04:21.394 --> 00:04:23.863 And then, there's Boukinet, which is his wife. 00:04:23.863 --> 00:04:27.000 So Bouki konnen Boukinet. 00:04:27.000 --> 00:04:29.102 and then if you replace Boukinet by pronoun, 00:04:29.102 --> 00:04:32.205 you say Bouki konnen li. 00:04:32.205 --> 00:04:33.740 Now what's striking here is something 00:04:33.740 --> 00:04:36.175 which is, as an English speaker, you would accept 00:04:36.175 --> 00:04:40.647 without hesitation, which is that the object, whether it's 00:04:40.647 --> 00:04:43.483 a name, like Boukinet, or whether it's a pronoun, 00:04:43.483 --> 00:04:47.520 like him or her or it, it comes after the verb. 00:04:47.520 --> 00:04:50.857 You see Bouki konnen li, like in English, you 00:04:50.857 --> 00:04:54.060 would say Bouki knows him, or Bouki knows her, 00:04:54.060 --> 00:04:55.461 or Bouki known it. 00:04:58.890 --> 00:05:01.960 You cannot have the pronoun come before the verb. 00:05:01.968 --> 00:05:04.871 You cannot say Bouki li konnen. 00:05:04.871 --> 00:05:06.539 Now some of you know French. 00:05:06.539 --> 00:05:09.575 So if you know French, you'll say, well, gosh no. 00:05:09.575 --> 00:05:13.646 Here again, Creole has broken the syntax of French. 00:05:13.646 --> 00:05:18.718 Because in French, the order into Bouki li konnen 00:05:18.718 --> 00:05:19.819 is what you get in French. 00:05:19.819 --> 00:05:24.424 You have this rule where if the object is a pronoun, then 00:05:24.424 --> 00:05:27.393 you have to move it to the left of the verb. 00:05:27.393 --> 00:05:28.895 OK, this is what we get now. 00:05:28.895 --> 00:05:32.832 You say, Bouqui connait Bouquinette. 00:05:32.832 --> 00:05:36.469 And you say, Bouqi la connait. 00:05:36.469 --> 00:05:39.605 So now the pronoun "la" refers to Bouquinette. 00:05:39.605 --> 00:05:41.707 And it better come before the verb. 00:05:41.707 --> 00:05:45.111 You cannot say, Bouqui connait la. 00:05:45.111 --> 00:05:49.482 So that's a very robust contrast between Haitian Creole 00:05:49.482 --> 00:05:50.650 and French-- 00:05:50.650 --> 00:05:53.786 whether you pronounce the object when it's a pronoun. 00:05:53.786 --> 00:05:57.056 OK, so this is our summary. 00:05:57.056 --> 00:06:00.226 In the summary, you see clearly where the differences 00:06:00.226 --> 00:06:05.164 are in terms of not only the object pronoun, but also 00:06:05.164 --> 00:06:08.935 in terms of what we saw last week in the last three rules 00:06:08.935 --> 00:06:14.640 in terms of where you pronounce the adverb, negation. 00:06:14.640 --> 00:06:17.310 These are the final verb. 00:06:17.310 --> 00:06:19.579 So Vfin is verb final. 00:06:22.740 --> 00:06:26.550 In these two cases, what you have here and there, 00:06:26.552 --> 00:06:28.621 you have a reversal of the order. 00:06:28.621 --> 00:06:31.391 So in Creole, you have verb, pronoun. 00:06:31.391 --> 00:06:33.192 In French, you have pronoun, verb. 00:06:33.192 --> 00:06:36.562 In Creole, you have adverb, verb. 00:06:36.562 --> 00:06:39.766 In French, you have verb, adverb. 00:06:39.766 --> 00:06:41.534 And then, something else we saw is 00:06:41.534 --> 00:06:48.741 that in Creole, unlike French, suffixes 00:06:48.741 --> 00:06:53.546 are expressed as pre-verbal items from last time. 00:07:00.010 --> 00:07:03.320 If you look at this particular pattern here, 00:07:03.322 --> 00:07:06.592 which is like what we saw earlier, where the object-- 00:07:06.592 --> 00:07:09.395 this is the case of me saying, I eat rice. 00:07:09.395 --> 00:07:11.764 So in Creole, you say, Mwen mange dvi, 00:07:11.764 --> 00:07:15.501 where you have rice after the verb. 00:07:15.501 --> 00:07:16.836 You should say, I'm eating rice. 00:07:16.836 --> 00:07:20.706 You say Map manje dvi. 00:07:20.706 --> 00:07:25.611 Do you remember that theory about explication? 00:07:25.611 --> 00:07:27.313 What's the claim, Nick? 00:07:27.313 --> 00:07:31.684 NICK: It's just that Creole languages are the lexicon 00:07:31.684 --> 00:07:35.988 of the [INAUDIBLE] overlaid onto the grammar of the-- 00:07:35.988 --> 00:07:37.190 MICHEL DEGRAFF: That's right. 00:07:37.190 --> 00:07:38.457 That's right, very good. 00:07:38.457 --> 00:07:41.360 So that's a very nice, one-sentence summary 00:07:41.360 --> 00:07:43.095 of this theory. 00:07:43.095 --> 00:07:49.268 So basically, the Creole grammar is a mix between, say, 00:07:49.268 --> 00:07:52.438 in the case of Haiti, between French and Gbe grammar. 00:07:52.438 --> 00:07:54.240 So you take the words from French. 00:07:54.240 --> 00:07:57.076 And then the words are imposed on the grammar 00:07:57.076 --> 00:07:58.110 of an African language. 00:07:58.110 --> 00:08:00.313 In the case of Haiti, it would be the grammar of Gbe. 00:08:00.313 --> 00:08:03.783 So now, one should ask, in the case of this particular order 00:08:03.783 --> 00:08:06.118 that we saw is different from French, we could ask, 00:08:06.118 --> 00:08:08.321 where does it come from? 00:08:08.321 --> 00:08:13.359 Well, maybe it comes from the Gbe languages. 00:08:13.359 --> 00:08:17.897 Because, in fact, in Gbe, you have this SV order. 00:08:17.897 --> 00:08:20.700 You do subject, verb, object, where the object 00:08:20.700 --> 00:08:24.036 is pronounced after the verb. 00:08:24.036 --> 00:08:25.872 Like here, you say, I eat rice. 00:08:25.872 --> 00:08:26.739 This is how you say-- 00:08:26.739 --> 00:08:29.876 I won't try to pronounce it, because it's a tone 00:08:29.876 --> 00:08:32.511 language, very complicated. 00:08:32.511 --> 00:08:34.013 So I don't know the tones. 00:08:34.013 --> 00:08:37.549 But I have a colleague that I wrote paper with, Enoch Abo. 00:08:37.549 --> 00:08:41.187 And Enoch speaks Gbe language. 00:08:41.187 --> 00:08:43.756 So these are data from Enoch. 00:08:43.756 --> 00:08:46.859 I eat rice, very much like here-- 00:08:46.859 --> 00:08:51.130 subject, verb, object order. 00:08:51.130 --> 00:08:52.665 But yet, there is a twist. 00:08:52.665 --> 00:08:56.903 And this is where we cannot say that Creole grammar is 00:08:56.903 --> 00:08:59.005 the explication of Gbe grammar. 00:08:59.005 --> 00:09:01.340 Because, in fact, like in French, 00:09:01.340 --> 00:09:07.146 you do get OV order in Gbe. 00:09:07.146 --> 00:09:10.316 So you get it here. 00:09:10.316 --> 00:09:13.653 When you have an aspectual marker, 00:09:13.653 --> 00:09:16.188 meaning that you go from saying, I 00:09:16.188 --> 00:09:18.724 eat rice, to I'm eating rice where you express 00:09:18.724 --> 00:09:21.294 the progressive, the way you express the progressive, 00:09:21.294 --> 00:09:25.665 you have I and something like the verb to be. 00:09:25.665 --> 00:09:27.800 And you get rice eat. 00:09:27.800 --> 00:09:30.269 And then you have this other marker at the end. 00:09:30.269 --> 00:09:34.640 So here, you can see clearly that this pattern 00:09:34.640 --> 00:09:41.547 in Haitian Creole is different, both from French and from Gbe. 00:09:41.547 --> 00:09:47.353 Because both French and Gbe have OV order-- 00:09:47.353 --> 00:09:49.922 object verb order-- but Haitian Creole doesn't have that. 00:09:49.922 --> 00:09:52.124 So this is just a quick data point 00:09:52.124 --> 00:09:56.896 to actually show you that those theories that either claim 00:09:56.896 --> 00:10:01.934 that Haitian Creole is lexified from some African language 00:10:01.934 --> 00:10:04.971 and those theories that claim that Haitian Creole is broken 00:10:04.971 --> 00:10:09.642 French syntax to some degree, they are both inaccurate. 00:10:09.642 --> 00:10:11.077 So what are going to do now, we're 00:10:11.077 --> 00:10:14.580 going to actually look of a case of language change. 00:10:14.580 --> 00:10:17.049 And we're going to go back to English where 00:10:17.049 --> 00:10:18.384 you'll find the same pattern. 00:10:18.384 --> 00:10:21.220 We have, at some point in the history of English, 00:10:21.220 --> 00:10:23.489 we also had OV order. 00:10:23.489 --> 00:10:27.360 And then at a later point, this OV order was lost. 00:10:27.360 --> 00:10:31.297 And we can actually do it pretty straightforward using data. 00:10:31.297 --> 00:10:34.400 These are data from older English. 00:10:34.400 --> 00:10:37.303 So what you see here, this is a sentence 00:10:37.303 --> 00:10:40.006 in Old English that would express 00:10:40.006 --> 00:10:43.709 this idea of the Permians told him many stories. 00:10:43.709 --> 00:10:45.811 And what you have to focus on here 00:10:45.811 --> 00:10:52.418 is the fact that the pronoun, him, is pronounced before told. 00:10:52.418 --> 00:10:55.121 So many stories him told the Permians. 00:10:55.121 --> 00:10:57.790 And this is fine Old English. 00:10:57.790 --> 00:10:59.592 So if you are living in Old English time, 00:10:59.592 --> 00:11:01.560 this is the way you would say it. 00:11:01.560 --> 00:11:03.596 And it was very productive. 00:11:06.790 --> 00:11:08.900 So here, too, you see, that he would give him 00:11:08.901 --> 00:11:10.403 15 pounds in gold-- 00:11:10.403 --> 00:11:12.838 that he him gave. 00:11:12.838 --> 00:11:16.809 You see where you have the pronoun, him, before the verb. 00:11:16.809 --> 00:11:21.647 Now that should ring a bell when it 00:11:21.647 --> 00:11:23.282 comes to the history of Haitian Creole. 00:11:23.282 --> 00:11:26.919 Because, again, in French, pretty much 00:11:26.919 --> 00:11:29.355 like in Old English, you had a similar pattern. 00:11:32.090 --> 00:11:34.190 If we take the same examples in English, 00:11:34.193 --> 00:11:38.931 and you say it in French, we have a similar pattern, 00:11:38.931 --> 00:11:43.069 where the object, him, is pronounced before the verb, 00:11:43.069 --> 00:11:43.803 to tell. 00:11:43.803 --> 00:11:46.872 So you would say, quelles histoires lui raconteront ils? 00:11:46.872 --> 00:11:50.276 You see you have lui before raconteront. 00:11:50.276 --> 00:11:54.080 And then here, this is similar examples from the Old English. 00:11:54.080 --> 00:11:57.917 Il lui donna quinze livres d'or, where lui-- 00:11:57.917 --> 00:12:02.154 the him pronoun-- is pronounced before the verb, to give. 00:12:02.154 --> 00:12:04.557 So what is that telling us? 00:12:04.557 --> 00:12:06.525 It's telling us that, in fact, pretty much 00:12:06.525 --> 00:12:11.530 like what we showed before in the history of the adverb, verb 00:12:11.530 --> 00:12:16.969 pattern, that modern English, like Haitian Creole, 00:12:16.969 --> 00:12:21.574 has shown a drastic change in word order. 00:12:21.574 --> 00:12:25.911 You had before, adverb, verb order arising 00:12:25.911 --> 00:12:27.847 from verb, adverb order. 00:12:27.847 --> 00:12:34.153 In this case, you have object, verb order making place 00:12:34.153 --> 00:12:36.355 for verb, object order. 00:12:36.355 --> 00:12:39.859 So if one were to say that Haitian Creole broke 00:12:39.859 --> 00:12:42.027 the syntax of French, then you would 00:12:42.027 --> 00:12:47.767 have to also claim that English broke the syntax of Old 00:12:47.767 --> 00:12:48.901 English and modern English. 00:12:48.901 --> 00:12:51.771 And then, you can see that it doesn't make sense. 00:12:51.771 --> 00:12:54.607 Why would one case be "creolization" 00:12:54.607 --> 00:12:57.109 that's supposed to be abnormal change, and the other cases, 00:12:57.109 --> 00:12:59.411 well, it's just language change? 00:12:59.411 --> 00:13:01.113 In fact, what we see is that, even 00:13:01.113 --> 00:13:04.049 if you look at the history of French in North America, 00:13:04.049 --> 00:13:05.151 you find similar patterns. 00:13:07.010 --> 00:13:09.120 So there are various varieties of French 00:13:09.121 --> 00:13:10.956 which are not called Creole languages, which 00:13:10.956 --> 00:13:14.593 are just called Missouri French or Louisiana French. 00:13:14.593 --> 00:13:17.530 And what you find in these varieties of French 00:13:17.530 --> 00:13:19.632 are similar patterns. 00:13:19.632 --> 00:13:22.535 Again, in European French, you would say, ils me verront. 00:13:25.270 --> 00:13:28.000 They will see me. 00:13:28.007 --> 00:13:30.643 Here, you will say, je te mettrai tout en blanc. 00:13:30.643 --> 00:13:32.912 This is Parisian French, where you 00:13:32.912 --> 00:13:37.983 have the object comes before the verb in those two patterns. 00:13:37.983 --> 00:13:40.152 Or you would say, je l'enterrerai 00:13:40.152 --> 00:13:44.723 dans les feuilles, where you have the pronoun, le-- 00:13:44.723 --> 00:13:47.560 which is elided as l'-- 00:13:47.560 --> 00:13:48.861 coming before the verb. 00:13:48.861 --> 00:13:52.464 Now I picked these examples because I found instances 00:13:52.464 --> 00:13:57.970 of these same patterns in Cajun friends and Missouri French 00:13:57.970 --> 00:14:00.105 where you have a different order. 00:14:00.105 --> 00:14:03.576 so here you see, you say, il v'ont voir moi. 00:14:03.576 --> 00:14:05.344 This is Cajun French. 00:14:05.344 --> 00:14:09.915 What's striking here is that the object pronoun, moi, is 00:14:09.915 --> 00:14:11.951 pronounced after the verb-- 00:14:11.951 --> 00:14:12.918 il v'nont voir moi. 00:14:12.918 --> 00:14:14.520 Actually, there isn't much difference. 00:14:14.520 --> 00:14:18.457 It's just that the verb, the non-finite form, you 00:14:18.457 --> 00:14:20.793 say, voir, which means to see. 00:14:20.793 --> 00:14:21.493 It's not finite. 00:14:21.493 --> 00:14:24.930 It doesn't take agreement on it or tense. 00:14:24.930 --> 00:14:28.434 The tense expressed, by the way, the verb that comes before. 00:14:28.434 --> 00:14:32.371 It's like, I will see you, or I will see me, 00:14:32.371 --> 00:14:35.107 or they will see me. 00:14:35.107 --> 00:14:39.345 You get the marker before the verb to express the future. 00:14:39.345 --> 00:14:41.413 And then, you get the object after the verb. 00:14:41.413 --> 00:14:43.849 And the same is true here. 00:14:43.849 --> 00:14:46.018 J'vas mettre tou** tout en blanc. 00:14:46.018 --> 00:14:51.657 Again, the key form here is the object pronoun, tou**, 00:14:51.657 --> 00:14:54.827 which comes after mettre, which is not like European French. 00:14:54.827 --> 00:14:56.896 It's very unlike European French. 00:14:56.896 --> 00:14:59.098 And here as well-- 00:14:59.098 --> 00:15:00.866 m'as enterrer elle dans les feuilles. 00:15:00.866 --> 00:15:03.535 Again, elle is the pronoun. 00:15:03.535 --> 00:15:05.204 It comes after the verb. 00:15:05.204 --> 00:15:07.039 So in all three of these patterns, 00:15:07.039 --> 00:15:09.341 you'll find something which is very Creole-like, right? 00:15:12.370 --> 00:15:14.010 Like in Louisiana, there is a Creole. 00:15:14.013 --> 00:15:14.880 But this is not the Creole. 00:15:14.880 --> 00:15:15.614 This is French. 00:15:15.614 --> 00:15:16.749 This is Cajun French. 00:15:16.749 --> 00:15:20.719 This is Missouri French in the last two examples. 00:15:20.719 --> 00:15:21.654 So what does that mean? 00:15:21.654 --> 00:15:25.591 It means that Cajun and Missouri French, like Haitian Creole, 00:15:25.591 --> 00:15:29.261 they exhibit the same sort of patterns. 00:15:29.261 --> 00:15:33.632 Where European French has object, verb order, 00:15:33.632 --> 00:15:36.201 those French varieties have the reverse pattern. 00:15:40.500 --> 00:15:44.140 The conclusion for now is that, here too, we 00:15:44.143 --> 00:15:47.446 have the clear appearance of Creole-like patterns 00:15:47.446 --> 00:15:50.382 in those varieties which are not called Creoles. 00:15:50.382 --> 00:15:51.951 So it is pretty much the same argument 00:15:51.951 --> 00:15:57.456 as before that you find those linguistic types of changes 00:15:57.456 --> 00:15:58.524 in non-Creole languages. 00:15:58.524 --> 00:16:03.829 So then, what's the value of positing 00:16:03.829 --> 00:16:08.100 that you have particular changes that are specifically Creole, 00:16:08.100 --> 00:16:09.702 like creolization?