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JULIAN BEINART: OK, enough
about knowledge of the past,

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be it memory or history.

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We are in a very interesting
space-time capsule.

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We have the possibility
of imagining the future,

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or at least contemplating
more and more about how

00:00:52.160 --> 00:00:59.030
one might use even geometry
to associate with minimizing

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the obstacles of the future.

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And we also have the
capacity to look backwards,

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using many techniques, as
showed in these examples.

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This should produce a much
richer set of ideas of urbanism

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than modernism.

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It will depend on the genius of
individual interpreters given

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this new scale of things.

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What we're not seeing
are overall theories

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of urbanism based an
amalgamation of these two

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ideas--

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forward looking and
backward looking.

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Maybe that'll happen.

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Maybe we're still too early.

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We switch now to a discussion
of the relationship

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between public
and private space.

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At first glance, the distinction
between private and public

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space is simply a
question of the difference

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between rights and obligations.

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You cannot park
your car on my land,

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because I have the
right of ownership.

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But when we get to a
parking lot on Mass Avenue,

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it's a contestation between two
of us fighting for public use,

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for the use of a public--

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the available space at any time.

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Sometimes we are
very angry that we

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are beaten by a car which
has gotten there first,

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but we have no rights.

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We only have rights
to part if it's free.

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In the same way, we
have rights of behavior

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in our private world which are
not superintended by the law,

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provided we don't hurt
anybody or behave illegally.

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But if I grow
marijuana in my garden,

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and as long as it's seen
as green space, it's OK.

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There are no rules in the
Cambridge Historical Society's

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book which says that you're
not allowed to grow marijuana

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in your garden.

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There probably are other
rules which prohibit that.

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There are a number
of other distinctions

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between public and
private and have

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been used at different times.

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I don't want to go into them.

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I simply want to look with
you at a number of examples

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where the relationship
between public and private

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is not so clear and where,
if you take a matrix

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and have four headings
to your vertical columns,

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the four headings are use,
ownership, access, and meaning.

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Let's look at each
of these categories

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and see what examples
come to mind.

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Under the first, which is use--

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use, ownership,
access, and meaning--

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Richard Sennett gives
an example, in London,

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in the 18th century.

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It was impossible for investors
in shipping and in trade

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to know the outcome
of of a shipping trip

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that they've invested in.

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There was no electronic
communication.

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It took too long
to write letters.

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The letters had to
come by ship, anyway.

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So you didn't know
if the pirates had

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got hold of the ship that was
carrying silver back to Spain

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or whether the ship had
been sunk in a hurricane.

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This knowledge was
certainly capable

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of being transmitted verbally
through human beings.

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So near the docks in London,
a coffee bar grew up.

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The coffee bar was
a private entity.

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You paid a penny to
enter and sit down.

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You weren't able to--

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you had to sit anywhere
that space was available.

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You couldn't reserve space.

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It was frequented by sailors who
had this important information

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about their ships.

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So the wealthy and
the poor managed

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to occupy the same space
because of the importance

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of the information.

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What became of this place?

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Lloyd's of London grew out
of this corner coffee shop.

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The important thing is that
an important public set

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of transactions
could take place,

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but under the shelter of
a private institution.

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If we wish to put our body into
public space, we need security.

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Security is often provided
more by private institutions

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than by public.

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30,000 people on
a summer's night

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occupy the center of Boston only
if they go to the Red Sox game.

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The Red Sox are a
private corporation

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with private security.

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MIT has its own security force.

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Harvard has its-- and the
Christian Science Center--

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just going down Mass Avenue,
you would transect a number

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of private authorities.

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So there's a principle that
the private sector provides

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a kind of phenomenological and
actual security for the actions

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of public need, such as putting
your body into public space.

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For those people who
have criticized--

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and they're endless.

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Hannah Arendt, for
instance, Richard Sennett

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criticized the modern world
as promoting isolation

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from the public world--

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narcissism, self-preoccupation,
people locked up

00:08:43.750 --> 00:08:48.010
in their own private
quarters, fed

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by television and
electronic systems

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and not hazarding the danger,
if you want to call it,

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but the adventure,
which is a better word,

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of immersing yourself
into public space.

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So public space doesn't exist,
except in Roger Scruton,

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the British critic's, argument
that public space only

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exists in the street.

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All the rest is an affectation
and an unnecessary affectation.

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The idea of creating a
public space as a Plaza

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is an affectation.

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It's true of contemporary
Tokyo, for instance.

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Public world exists in the
dense stream of connections

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between functions.

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There's no tradition of
public meeting space.

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Where it's been tried in front
of the tall, new metropolitan

00:10:07.370 --> 00:10:10.730
city hall building,
it's a waste of time.

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We'll go into the history of
public space in a few minutes.

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We still have time.

00:10:28.050 --> 00:10:41.230
So if we see that
public use can be

00:10:41.230 --> 00:10:48.530
made more appropriate
by private endeavor,

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we have a notion
of sharing of use

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which has always been
true in urbanism.

00:11:08.520 --> 00:11:14.820
The agora, which most of
our arguments for public

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communication space rests on,
was a 37-acre piece of messy

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mixtures of monuments,
temples, shoemakers,

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stoas where philosophers like
Socrates sat and engaged young

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men--

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not young women, young men--

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in discourse, even housing.

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This is the space of democracy.

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Wycherley, the historian,
writes about it in the same way

00:12:05.700 --> 00:12:12.750
that I've just mentioned it as
a highly dense agglomeration

00:12:12.750 --> 00:12:17.280
of shoemakers, temples,
monuments, none of which

00:12:17.280 --> 00:12:19.140
fit any cardinal pattern.

00:12:23.050 --> 00:12:32.200
There is no assemblage of
items in the buildings, which

00:12:32.200 --> 00:12:34.210
sit in relation to any other.

00:12:42.820 --> 00:12:49.330
This is, in one thesis done here
by a [? Marxist ?] [? smart ?]

00:12:49.330 --> 00:12:56.180
student, the result of a kind
of democratic form of rhetoric

00:12:56.180 --> 00:12:58.420
which only allowed
people to speak--

00:12:58.420 --> 00:13:02.860
that's males and not
women and not slave--

00:13:02.860 --> 00:13:06.970
to take part in
discourse through the use

00:13:06.970 --> 00:13:08.285
of a particular language.

00:13:16.550 --> 00:13:21.860
When it became necessary for
people to meet and debate

00:13:21.860 --> 00:13:28.190
propositions later
on, a meeting place

00:13:28.190 --> 00:13:34.280
called the Pnyx was created
separate from the agora.

00:13:34.280 --> 00:13:36.620
The agora was this mixed domain.

00:13:40.790 --> 00:13:46.580
Aristotle rejected that
image of the agora.

00:13:46.580 --> 00:13:51.470
For him, a public plane
or public place of meeting

00:13:51.470 --> 00:13:58.700
was a clean, absolutely
minimized environment.

00:13:58.700 --> 00:14:02.883
I should read you the
quotation from him.

00:14:16.210 --> 00:14:23.895
Here-- "The agora in Athens,
far from being architecturally

00:14:23.895 --> 00:14:27.840
impressive, was a jumble
of crowded downtown streets

00:14:27.840 --> 00:14:29.910
and the regular
open spaces where

00:14:29.910 --> 00:14:32.865
shrines and altars, public
buildings and monuments,

00:14:32.865 --> 00:14:39.132
stood in the midst of workshops,
market stalls, and taverns.

00:14:39.132 --> 00:14:42.540
The agora was the haunt of
the dregs of the populace.

00:14:42.540 --> 00:14:47.280
The home of idleness,
vulgarity, and gossip.

00:14:47.280 --> 00:14:51.600
For Aristotle, the
ideal public square

00:14:51.600 --> 00:14:54.780
were that all commercial
activities and all merchants

00:14:54.780 --> 00:15:00.510
and vendors would be exported
to another part of the town.

00:15:00.510 --> 00:15:03.420
Nothing in the agora
may be bought or sold.

00:15:03.420 --> 00:15:05.490
No member of the
lower order may be

00:15:05.490 --> 00:15:08.880
admitted unless summoned by
the" and so on and so on.

00:15:13.090 --> 00:15:17.220
So much of Aristotle's view
of the public meeting space,

00:15:17.220 --> 00:15:20.610
as opposed to the agora,
the Athenian agora,

00:15:20.610 --> 00:15:23.235
has become part of
architectural dogma.

00:15:26.210 --> 00:15:33.140
City Hall Plaza rests on
an Aristotelian assumption

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that there is something absolute
about prior public space

00:15:40.190 --> 00:15:46.990
which is satisfied by whenever
we wish to immerse ourselves

00:15:46.990 --> 00:15:48.590
in bedlam.

00:15:48.590 --> 00:15:52.460
In a metaphysical
condition, we think of it

00:15:52.460 --> 00:15:57.380
as depicting our
public environment

00:15:57.380 --> 00:16:00.620
in gracious and hallowed terms.

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The curious thing
is the pattern,

00:16:02.570 --> 00:16:07.280
the bipolar relationship
between City Hall Plaza

00:16:07.280 --> 00:16:10.130
and Faneuil Hall Marketplace.

00:16:10.130 --> 00:16:12.290
Faneuil Hall
Marketplace would be

00:16:12.290 --> 00:16:17.040
the agora in the ideal
connection between the two.

00:16:17.040 --> 00:16:19.550
However, it's not.

00:16:19.550 --> 00:16:24.500
It's a singular high,
upmarket phenomenon

00:16:24.500 --> 00:16:27.500
totally driven by
market conditions,

00:16:27.500 --> 00:16:29.020
at market conditions.

00:16:35.610 --> 00:16:46.620
So we start off with a notion of
the public meeting place, which

00:16:46.620 --> 00:16:53.430
derives from a unique
setting for democracy

00:16:53.430 --> 00:16:58.530
in first century Athens
and has maintained itself

00:16:58.530 --> 00:17:01.215
through deviations
under the Romans.

00:17:04.190 --> 00:17:08.690
There were no elevated
platforms in the agora

00:17:08.690 --> 00:17:10.730
for people to make speeches.

00:17:10.730 --> 00:17:15.520
If you spoke, you spoke from the
same plane as everybody else.

00:17:15.520 --> 00:17:19.190
The Romans introduced
in the Forum places

00:17:19.190 --> 00:17:23.869
for people who were
spokesmen, people

00:17:23.869 --> 00:17:29.240
who had particular ability
to make political speeches

00:17:29.240 --> 00:17:33.230
or speeches which
are non-political

00:17:33.230 --> 00:17:35.675
but of specialized nature.

00:17:39.020 --> 00:17:41.510
In the examples I
show in the slides

00:17:41.510 --> 00:17:44.630
at the beginning
of next class, you

00:17:44.630 --> 00:17:47.570
will see that the traditional--

00:17:47.570 --> 00:17:54.260
many of the traditional public
squares in small towns in Italy

00:17:54.260 --> 00:18:00.650
were simply based upon
passageways through space, not

00:18:00.650 --> 00:18:04.280
cul-de-sacs of space at all.

00:18:04.280 --> 00:18:12.230
I spent a year in Assisi, living
in Assisi, documenting the town

00:18:12.230 --> 00:18:15.670
and measuring
pedestrian volumes.

00:18:15.670 --> 00:18:20.180
The Piazza del Comune
is exactly that space.

00:18:20.180 --> 00:18:22.310
I'll show you in
some illustrations.

00:18:27.510 --> 00:18:31.290
In the post-telephone
era, the need

00:18:31.290 --> 00:18:35.970
for people to
obtain communication

00:18:35.970 --> 00:18:40.290
by machine-interposed systems
has become another variable.

00:18:45.080 --> 00:18:54.900
What is the most significant
public place built since 1920?

00:18:54.900 --> 00:18:55.530
Anywhere?

00:19:01.270 --> 00:19:04.210
This is part of an urban
tradition, after all.

00:19:04.210 --> 00:19:05.669
If we stopped--

00:19:05.669 --> 00:19:07.545
AUDIENCE: But it's really
hard to [INAUDIBLE]

00:19:07.545 --> 00:19:08.014
JULIAN BEINART: Hm?

00:19:08.014 --> 00:19:10.190
AUDIENCE: It's really hard
to say one [INAUDIBLE]

00:19:10.190 --> 00:19:11.440
JULIAN BEINART: Well, say six.

00:19:11.440 --> 00:19:15.808
[LAUGHTER]

00:19:15.808 --> 00:19:16.808
AUDIENCE: The High Line?

00:19:16.808 --> 00:19:18.030
[LAUGHS]

00:19:18.030 --> 00:19:23.536
JULIAN BEINART: High Line
is an old train track.

00:19:23.536 --> 00:19:26.353
AUDIENCE: Oh, do you
mean from [INAUDIBLE]??

00:19:26.353 --> 00:19:27.520
JULIAN BEINART: No, I don't.

00:19:27.520 --> 00:19:31.510
I mean just anything which
resembles a public square.

00:19:34.760 --> 00:19:37.400
AUDIENCE: They built one
in Columbia Heights in DC

00:19:37.400 --> 00:19:41.940
in the early 2000s that's
been pretty successful.

00:19:41.940 --> 00:19:42.815
JULIAN BEINART: Yeah.

00:19:42.815 --> 00:19:43.790
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

00:19:43.790 --> 00:19:45.207
JULIAN BEINART:
Rockefeller Center

00:19:45.207 --> 00:19:48.830
is by far the best, universally.

00:19:48.830 --> 00:19:51.920
It contradicts all the
argument about public.

00:19:51.920 --> 00:19:54.290
It's the largest
private investment

00:19:54.290 --> 00:19:56.090
in a city in history.

00:19:59.120 --> 00:20:00.520
Let me give you a few details.

00:20:15.120 --> 00:20:17.700
It's the largest
privately held complex

00:20:17.700 --> 00:20:21.180
of its kind in the world.

00:20:21.180 --> 00:20:23.810
It's the largest private
building project ever

00:20:23.810 --> 00:20:25.365
undertaken in modern times.

00:20:27.980 --> 00:20:30.830
It was bought-- it
was leased by John D.

00:20:30.830 --> 00:20:38.640
Rockefeller from Columbia
University in 1928.

00:20:38.640 --> 00:20:44.190
It was completed-- it was
built between 1930 and 1939.

00:20:44.190 --> 00:20:48.270
In 1985, Columbia
University sold the land

00:20:48.270 --> 00:20:51.540
beneath Rockefeller Center
to the Rockefeller Group

00:20:51.540 --> 00:20:54.985
for $400 million.

00:20:54.985 --> 00:21:02.250
The entire complex was purchased
by Mitsubishi Estate in 1989.

00:21:02.250 --> 00:21:07.590
In 2000, the current owner
[INAUDIBLE] paid $1.85 billion

00:21:07.590 --> 00:21:09.990
for all the buildings.

00:21:13.230 --> 00:21:15.990
This is an-- there
could be nothing more

00:21:15.990 --> 00:21:20.550
private in ownership
than Rockefeller Center.

00:21:24.120 --> 00:21:29.320
It provided the public
with an open space.

00:21:29.320 --> 00:21:32.610
It provided the public with
an underground concourse,

00:21:32.610 --> 00:21:34.110
shopping concourse.

00:21:34.110 --> 00:21:37.410
It added streets to
the number of streets

00:21:37.410 --> 00:21:39.840
in the grid in Manhattan.

00:21:39.840 --> 00:21:41.625
And yet it's a public space.

00:21:45.170 --> 00:21:50.770
So does public space have
to be owned by the public?

00:21:54.810 --> 00:21:58.860
I'm looking for examples
of contradictions

00:21:58.860 --> 00:22:02.940
simply to make the argument
a little more interesting.

00:22:02.940 --> 00:22:05.910
AUDIENCE: Well, there's the
famous court case, a Supreme

00:22:05.910 --> 00:22:08.860
Court case, in the suburban
mall in Portland, Oregon.

00:22:08.860 --> 00:22:11.365
I forgot the details,
but that's where,

00:22:11.365 --> 00:22:13.740
I think, you're not allowed
to have a protest in the mall

00:22:13.740 --> 00:22:17.613
even though it functions
as a public space,

00:22:17.613 --> 00:22:18.880
because it's private.

00:22:18.880 --> 00:22:20.910
So even Rockefeller
has more control

00:22:20.910 --> 00:22:26.640
over that space than a space
that actually would be common.

00:22:26.640 --> 00:22:28.890
JULIAN BEINART: Yeah,
I don't know about--

00:22:28.890 --> 00:22:31.770
certainly, Diego
Rivera's mural--

00:22:31.770 --> 00:22:33.150
AUDIENCE: [? Mural ?]
[INAUDIBLE]

00:22:33.150 --> 00:22:34.400
JULIAN BEINART: --was removed.

00:22:36.870 --> 00:22:42.900
And doing this just
before the '39 war.

00:22:42.900 --> 00:22:46.560
Germany wanted to invest
in Rockefeller Center

00:22:46.560 --> 00:22:49.290
and build something
called Deutsches Haus.

00:22:49.290 --> 00:22:52.770
And that was turned down.

00:22:52.770 --> 00:22:57.750
So the Rockefellers have played
a very antiseptic attitude

00:22:57.750 --> 00:22:59.760
towards politics.

00:22:59.760 --> 00:23:05.280
I don't know what the
present status would be.

00:23:05.280 --> 00:23:07.750
Security issues at
the moment in America

00:23:07.750 --> 00:23:12.210
are probably so
inflamed after Boston

00:23:12.210 --> 00:23:16.020
that you would probably
stop anybody carrying

00:23:16.020 --> 00:23:19.140
a knapsack for a while.

00:23:19.140 --> 00:23:23.640
But to be more serious, I don't
know about the limitations

00:23:23.640 --> 00:23:27.600
on public protest in New York.

00:23:27.600 --> 00:23:29.010
I should ask somebody.

00:23:31.740 --> 00:23:35.070
I don't know of any
history of the restriction

00:23:35.070 --> 00:23:38.310
of public protest in New York.

00:23:38.310 --> 00:23:41.460
It's a very open city.

00:23:41.460 --> 00:23:43.980
AUDIENCE: Well,
with the protests,

00:23:43.980 --> 00:23:46.644
they started penning people
in [INAUDIBLE] [? Iraq. ?]

00:23:46.644 --> 00:23:48.403
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]
public [INAUDIBLE]

00:23:48.403 --> 00:23:49.820
AUDIENCE: Yeah,
and that one, too.

00:23:49.820 --> 00:23:50.320
They would--

00:23:50.320 --> 00:23:51.200
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

00:23:51.200 --> 00:23:52.575
AUDIENCE: There
was that famous--

00:23:52.575 --> 00:23:55.880
the day before we invaded
Iraq the second time,

00:23:55.880 --> 00:23:58.172
there were protests in
cities all around the world.

00:23:58.172 --> 00:23:59.630
And you saw most
[INAUDIBLE] people

00:23:59.630 --> 00:24:00.740
were gathering in plazas.

00:24:00.740 --> 00:24:02.930
And in New York, they
had you penned in.

00:24:02.930 --> 00:24:08.044
They had all the streets blocked
off with the pop-up fences.

00:24:08.044 --> 00:24:09.550
It didn't look very open.

00:24:12.770 --> 00:24:18.080
JULIAN BEINART: It
raises another question,

00:24:18.080 --> 00:24:21.340
which urbanistically,
is difficult to answer.

00:24:25.490 --> 00:24:31.250
We have City Hall
sitting on a plaza.

00:24:31.250 --> 00:24:34.220
The mayor has said that
he was actually thought

00:24:34.220 --> 00:24:37.610
of selling City Hall Plaza--

00:24:37.610 --> 00:24:38.740
City Hall.

00:24:38.740 --> 00:24:42.180
I don't know about the Plaza.

00:24:42.180 --> 00:24:44.790
Do you feel more public
when putting your body

00:24:44.790 --> 00:24:54.345
into space in Filene's Basement
than you do in City Hall Plaza?

00:24:59.020 --> 00:25:03.670
If association with other
people is the phenomenon which

00:25:03.670 --> 00:25:08.650
guides us from a
self-preoccupation

00:25:08.650 --> 00:25:15.400
to a sense of being part
of a large human race,

00:25:15.400 --> 00:25:18.910
part of the rhetoric
of communication,

00:25:18.910 --> 00:25:23.330
stochastics, and so
on, which Hannah Arendt

00:25:23.330 --> 00:25:27.560
makes a big fuss of in her
book, The Human Condition,

00:25:27.560 --> 00:25:29.075
that we are different
from animals.

00:25:33.360 --> 00:25:36.450
I don't go to, nor
do I know anybody

00:25:36.450 --> 00:25:40.680
who goes to, Boston City Hall
Plaza on a Sunday morning

00:25:40.680 --> 00:25:42.680
to negotiate with strangers.

00:25:47.660 --> 00:25:52.090
AUDIENCE: [? You need ?]
[? to go ?] [INAUDIBLE]

00:25:52.090 --> 00:25:53.090
JULIAN BEINART: You do--

00:25:53.090 --> 00:25:53.965
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

00:25:53.965 --> 00:25:56.428
JULIAN BEINART: --because
you have too little else.

00:25:56.428 --> 00:25:58.850
AUDIENCE: But
[? you might ?] [INAUDIBLE]

00:25:58.850 --> 00:26:01.000
JULIAN BEINART: Yeah, I know--

00:26:01.000 --> 00:26:03.410
fair enough.

00:26:03.410 --> 00:26:07.430
In Assisi, you would wander
down to the Piazza del Comune

00:26:07.430 --> 00:26:12.020
because it's on your path
somewhere else anyway.

00:26:12.020 --> 00:26:15.950
It's in the middle
of a small town.

00:26:15.950 --> 00:26:18.660
And if there's any action--

00:26:18.660 --> 00:26:21.500
secondary, the amount of
private accommodation you've got

00:26:21.500 --> 00:26:23.890
is very small.

00:26:23.890 --> 00:26:27.260
Why do black kids in Baltimore
play basketball in the street?

00:26:30.100 --> 00:26:32.020
Because they haven't
got the space and got

00:26:32.020 --> 00:26:35.050
backyards to play
basketball as you can

00:26:35.050 --> 00:26:36.660
in your own suburban garden.

00:26:39.210 --> 00:26:41.610
So all these connections--

00:26:41.610 --> 00:26:45.420
City Hall Plaza should have been
surrounded by dense housing.

00:26:50.190 --> 00:26:57.870
Most of the Rockefeller Center
placed in Des Moines, Iowa,

00:26:57.870 --> 00:27:01.200
would not be the same as
Rockefeller Center built

00:27:01.200 --> 00:27:07.800
on a grid of density plus
income with Fifth Avenue

00:27:07.800 --> 00:27:14.430
right adjacent to it and
part of an extraordinary grid

00:27:14.430 --> 00:27:18.750
which pumps energy
through all of the system,

00:27:18.750 --> 00:27:24.590
much like the system of
reticulation in your brain.

00:27:28.370 --> 00:27:30.080
Let's just look at
some other examples.

00:27:42.660 --> 00:27:48.400
Under the idea of
control or access,

00:27:48.400 --> 00:27:54.100
I pay taxes to maintain
army camps and nuclear power

00:27:54.100 --> 00:28:02.250
stations and private domains
which I don't claim access to.

00:28:02.250 --> 00:28:05.940
But yet I own a fraction of it.

00:28:05.940 --> 00:28:12.440
What is public about me earning
part of the built environment

00:28:12.440 --> 00:28:17.220
but not being able
to have access to it?

00:28:17.220 --> 00:28:32.200
I have much more access to
shopping environments, which

00:28:32.200 --> 00:28:36.235
are largely private
than I do to--

00:28:42.390 --> 00:28:50.200
who guarantees access to
all space, independent

00:28:50.200 --> 00:28:51.010
of ownership?

00:28:58.040 --> 00:29:04.190
This isn't a subject
which Michael Sorkin tries

00:29:04.190 --> 00:29:11.150
to attack in his book,
where he terms shopping

00:29:11.150 --> 00:29:19.620
centers space be
ageographic, where

00:29:19.620 --> 00:29:23.310
there's dissipation of
stable relationships,

00:29:23.310 --> 00:29:27.480
of loosening of ties to
any specific place that

00:29:27.480 --> 00:29:31.200
is nothing which is
emanating from history.

00:29:31.200 --> 00:29:32.190
Everything is ersatz.

00:29:36.850 --> 00:29:40.550
The market doesn't
produce any environment

00:29:40.550 --> 00:29:45.500
which has the resonance
that is required

00:29:45.500 --> 00:29:49.265
for domain of public space.

00:29:52.490 --> 00:29:55.220
And lastly, the
category of meaning--

00:29:59.990 --> 00:30:03.230
but just before
we leave ownership

00:30:03.230 --> 00:30:06.720
is the category of
psychological ownership,

00:30:06.720 --> 00:30:11.825
which is very much part of
the habitation of urbanism.

00:30:16.580 --> 00:30:21.470
If I had to ask
you, in Boston, what

00:30:21.470 --> 00:30:27.770
would we miss more, the Boston
Celtics moving to Sacramento

00:30:27.770 --> 00:30:31.490
or City Hall Plaza
being redeveloped?

00:30:34.590 --> 00:30:40.890
The one is an absolutely
public phenomenon, especially.

00:30:40.890 --> 00:30:43.500
The Celtics are a
private company.

00:30:47.440 --> 00:30:52.400
They're only physically in
the sense they play 62--

00:30:52.400 --> 00:30:56.810
31 games a year in the town.

00:30:56.810 --> 00:31:02.090
But the psychological
ownership, which is a very--

00:31:02.090 --> 00:31:03.890
again, we go back
to [INAUDIBLE]----

00:31:03.890 --> 00:31:06.350
or not back to him, necessarily.

00:31:06.350 --> 00:31:10.220
But we get this
sense that there are

00:31:10.220 --> 00:31:13.790
traces of understanding
which we carry

00:31:13.790 --> 00:31:19.220
with us as human beings which
are not absolutely contingent.

00:31:21.810 --> 00:31:23.038
It's five to two.

00:31:28.410 --> 00:31:30.675
Let's just talk a little
bit about meaning.

00:31:33.890 --> 00:31:38.390
The federal courthouse in Boston
is an interesting example.

00:31:38.390 --> 00:31:42.740
It faces towards
the sea, which is

00:31:42.740 --> 00:31:49.700
a foolish kind of notion, facing
to lobstermen in the boats.

00:31:49.700 --> 00:31:53.210
The traditional
courthouse in New England

00:31:53.210 --> 00:31:56.150
faces towards the
town, to a square,

00:31:56.150 --> 00:31:58.497
opposite a church, or
something of this kind.

00:31:58.497 --> 00:32:00.997
AUDIENCE: It's really weird,
because the courthouse here not

00:32:00.997 --> 00:32:06.750
only faces the sea, but that's
really good prime real estate

00:32:06.750 --> 00:32:08.340
that is off-limits.

00:32:08.340 --> 00:32:10.567
So it's heavily
secured [INAUDIBLE]

00:32:10.567 --> 00:32:12.900
JULIAN BEINART: Well, it has
a McDonald's underneath it.

00:32:12.900 --> 00:32:14.970
AUDIENCE: Well, yeah,
but underneath it.

00:32:14.970 --> 00:32:17.080
JULIAN BEINART:
Well, as part of it.

00:32:17.080 --> 00:32:19.610
AUDIENCE: So it's weird to
stand in that little corner,

00:32:19.610 --> 00:32:22.960
that little tip, and
look at what they have

00:32:22.960 --> 00:32:25.440
and then, at the same time,
see nobody moving around

00:32:25.440 --> 00:32:29.740
because of the security
around, surrounding the place.

00:32:29.740 --> 00:32:32.290
JULIAN BEINART: It's badly
configured in a number of ways.

00:32:32.290 --> 00:32:38.650
But they are private courthouses
in New England, in Boston.

00:32:38.650 --> 00:32:40.580
In the State Street
building, there

00:32:40.580 --> 00:32:45.400
are courthouses which
are purely private,

00:32:45.400 --> 00:32:51.550
where you can settle civil
suits by judges who are retired,

00:32:51.550 --> 00:32:52.810
sitting in.

00:32:52.810 --> 00:32:55.180
And you have to
agree that you will--

00:32:55.180 --> 00:32:59.080
now, what is the difference
between a public courthouse

00:32:59.080 --> 00:33:03.760
and a private courthouse in
contemporary [INAUDIBLE]??

00:33:03.760 --> 00:33:09.070
The private courthouse is lost
in the assemblage of the State

00:33:09.070 --> 00:33:10.837
Street tall building.

00:33:10.837 --> 00:33:12.670
You could be going to
visit your accountant,

00:33:12.670 --> 00:33:17.380
instead of which you go to
a courthouse, which is not--

00:33:17.380 --> 00:33:19.360
all you have to
agree is to listen,

00:33:19.360 --> 00:33:21.760
to take the judgment of--

00:33:21.760 --> 00:33:25.030
you have the wonderfully
beautiful environment.

00:33:25.030 --> 00:33:28.060
It doesn't have the dregs
of the population have

00:33:28.060 --> 00:33:29.830
to go to a public courthouse.

00:33:33.120 --> 00:33:36.690
I wonder how that would
configure in the [INAUDIBLE]

00:33:36.690 --> 00:33:37.835
structure of a town.

00:33:44.940 --> 00:33:51.120
OK, I've used the
shorthand system

00:33:51.120 --> 00:33:55.320
of trying to connect us
to some of the dilemmas

00:33:55.320 --> 00:33:57.210
of public and private life.

00:34:12.210 --> 00:34:19.850
The idea of solitude,
removal from the public,

00:34:19.850 --> 00:34:25.130
was considered madness
in medieval society.

00:34:33.329 --> 00:34:40.489
You were considered insane or
heroic if you went on a trip

00:34:40.489 --> 00:34:46.489
without somebody else,
without a group of people.

00:34:46.489 --> 00:34:49.739
To build or to maintain
your own private garden

00:34:49.739 --> 00:34:55.100
was considered a
very antisocial move.

00:34:58.940 --> 00:35:05.540
What caused us, as
a society, to change

00:35:05.540 --> 00:35:09.530
from an extreme publicness?

00:35:09.530 --> 00:35:13.610
And you read this book
on Socrates in Athens.

00:35:13.610 --> 00:35:17.390
You were amazed at the
sense of transparency.

00:35:19.950 --> 00:35:24.370
Socrates would be walking
barefoot through the agora,

00:35:24.370 --> 00:35:27.840
and a young man would come up
to him and ask him something.

00:35:27.840 --> 00:35:31.290
And he'd give a
philosophical answer.

00:35:31.290 --> 00:35:33.360
And the young man
would be asking

00:35:33.360 --> 00:35:37.680
for where he could buy food.

00:35:37.680 --> 00:35:40.350
This intermersing
of the acceptance

00:35:40.350 --> 00:35:47.160
of remote speculation about
life and everyday things

00:35:47.160 --> 00:35:51.780
is not part of our
domain any longer.

00:35:51.780 --> 00:35:54.200
It may be in some places.

00:35:57.260 --> 00:35:59.360
Why did we invent solitude?

00:36:09.755 --> 00:36:11.610
Let's start with that place.

00:36:11.610 --> 00:36:13.500
Think about the answer
to that question.

00:36:18.280 --> 00:36:24.450
We are [INAUDIBLE] and
endless architects for not

00:36:24.450 --> 00:36:25.800
behaving more in public.

00:36:30.400 --> 00:36:37.450
I lived in Assisi for close to a
year, measuring the whole town.

00:36:37.450 --> 00:36:39.880
This is a drawing,
an axonometric

00:36:39.880 --> 00:36:44.807
based on my measurements, that
some of the texture of part

00:36:44.807 --> 00:36:45.721
of the--

00:36:45.721 --> 00:36:50.020
part of my purpose
was after being at MIT

00:36:50.020 --> 00:36:52.900
as a student in teaching.

00:36:52.900 --> 00:36:58.300
I got a Rome Prize to
study pedestrian movement

00:36:58.300 --> 00:37:00.825
in a small town.

00:37:00.825 --> 00:37:01.325
Next.

00:37:06.720 --> 00:37:09.210
This is the Piazza del Comune.

00:37:09.210 --> 00:37:12.570
And there's the measurements
of pedestrian flow

00:37:12.570 --> 00:37:15.090
at different times of the day.

00:37:15.090 --> 00:37:17.160
One of the things
that was interesting

00:37:17.160 --> 00:37:21.970
was that there was always this
[INAUDIBLE] the Piazza del

00:37:21.970 --> 00:37:25.710
Comune is the central
plaza of the town.

00:37:25.710 --> 00:37:27.315
Assisi's a linear town.

00:37:31.650 --> 00:37:35.520
I'll just turn on the light
for a second, because--

00:37:38.712 --> 00:37:42.060
oh, I'm afraid
you have to-- it's

00:37:42.060 --> 00:37:45.840
got this mad system of
turning it off in one place

00:37:45.840 --> 00:37:47.612
and turning it on
in another place.

00:37:47.612 --> 00:37:50.384
[LAUGHTER]

00:37:52.232 --> 00:37:54.890
Assisi's on the slope of a hill.

00:38:08.640 --> 00:38:15.970
The town consists of a set
of public spaces linked

00:38:15.970 --> 00:38:20.260
across the grain and
along the contours,

00:38:20.260 --> 00:38:25.150
with a major Piazza del
Comune in the center.

00:38:25.150 --> 00:38:29.410
Because the land
use is distributed

00:38:29.410 --> 00:38:32.740
throughout the town,
there's as much chance

00:38:32.740 --> 00:38:36.600
of there being a destination
here as destination here.

00:38:41.460 --> 00:38:43.860
The volume of traffic
moving this way

00:38:43.860 --> 00:38:46.050
through the center
of the town is

00:38:46.050 --> 00:38:50.850
the same as the volume moving
that way through the town.

00:38:50.850 --> 00:38:58.630
So the center of the
town, in a very dense,

00:38:58.630 --> 00:39:07.960
[INAUDIBLE] kind of environment,
is a combination of platforms

00:39:07.960 --> 00:39:11.200
at different steepnesses--

00:39:11.200 --> 00:39:16.960
Piazza, with the San Rufino,
Santa Chiara, San Francesco,

00:39:16.960 --> 00:39:22.840
and so on forming the basis for
the organization of the town

00:39:22.840 --> 00:39:27.490
into parishes and
into neighborhoods.

00:39:27.490 --> 00:39:31.870
But essentially,
the meeting place

00:39:31.870 --> 00:39:36.760
is in a restricted
town in the center.

00:39:36.760 --> 00:39:40.300
And serves both as a
passthrough and as a place.

00:39:48.130 --> 00:39:51.370
The slide on the left
is my crude attempt

00:39:51.370 --> 00:39:59.220
at time-lapse photography
of a burial of a soldier

00:39:59.220 --> 00:40:00.940
in the central Plaza.

00:40:00.940 --> 00:40:01.440
Next.

00:40:08.420 --> 00:40:12.350
I stayed up in the
tower above the Plaza

00:40:12.350 --> 00:40:15.950
for many hours of
the day and night

00:40:15.950 --> 00:40:19.600
and was struck by the
fact that, when there's

00:40:19.600 --> 00:40:23.470
nobody in the Plaza, [INAUDIBLE]
[? years ?] of postmen

00:40:23.470 --> 00:40:29.410
delivering mail, it still
seems very well inhabited, as

00:40:29.410 --> 00:40:32.680
opposed to when it was
full with the crowd.

00:40:32.680 --> 00:40:34.985
It seemed appropriately sized.

00:40:34.985 --> 00:40:35.485
Next.

00:40:39.630 --> 00:40:47.220
Traditionally, the piazza,
the Italian piazza,

00:40:47.220 --> 00:40:52.620
takes its form from a position
of centrality or access,

00:40:52.620 --> 00:40:56.970
surrounded by dense
housing environment,

00:40:56.970 --> 00:40:58.740
surrounded by a wall.

00:40:58.740 --> 00:41:01.590
This is a classic image of it.

00:41:01.590 --> 00:41:05.360
This plays out in
different ways.

00:41:05.360 --> 00:41:08.510
As the town is a bit
bigger than this one,

00:41:08.510 --> 00:41:12.140
this is Il Palio in Siena.

00:41:12.140 --> 00:41:22.650
Originally, it is a place for
festivals and for animal games.

00:41:22.650 --> 00:41:23.150
Next.

00:41:26.770 --> 00:41:32.650
Now, it is a large open
space which, twice a year,

00:41:32.650 --> 00:41:33.685
hosts a palio.

00:41:33.685 --> 00:41:38.290
And a palio is a kind of
medieval reconstruction

00:41:38.290 --> 00:41:39.650
of a ritual.

00:41:39.650 --> 00:41:44.800
It's a game in which the
various components of the town

00:41:44.800 --> 00:41:49.830
compete in a race.

00:41:49.830 --> 00:41:51.290
A lot of money is now gambled.

00:41:53.810 --> 00:41:58.430
On the right is an example
of the use of public space

00:41:58.430 --> 00:42:00.320
for private use.

00:42:00.320 --> 00:42:04.280
This is very typical in
the Italian open space,

00:42:04.280 --> 00:42:10.003
where land is leased
from the public authority

00:42:10.003 --> 00:42:10.670
by the private--

00:42:13.720 --> 00:42:15.545
in this case, a restaurant.

00:42:15.545 --> 00:42:16.045
Next.

00:42:19.210 --> 00:42:24.655
The palio takes place in
the Piazza Del Campo here.

00:42:27.760 --> 00:42:31.290
There are other significant
places in the town.

00:42:31.290 --> 00:42:41.710
Just above it is
the great cathedral

00:42:41.710 --> 00:42:43.945
and medieval hospital.

00:42:48.180 --> 00:42:52.890
People have asked a lot about
the emptiness of City Hall

00:42:52.890 --> 00:42:53.490
Plaza.

00:42:53.490 --> 00:42:56.100
And there are at
least two theses

00:42:56.100 --> 00:43:00.900
which have been written
about it and two competitions

00:43:00.900 --> 00:43:03.730
to do something about it.

00:43:03.730 --> 00:43:05.850
What is wrong with
Boston City Hall Plaza?

00:43:10.360 --> 00:43:11.320
Say something.

00:43:11.320 --> 00:43:14.060
AUDIENCE: There's no
real active [INAUDIBLE]

00:43:14.060 --> 00:43:15.932
JULIAN BEINART:
There's no active what?

00:43:15.932 --> 00:43:18.890
AUDIENCE: [INAUDIBLE]

00:43:18.890 --> 00:43:21.640
JULIAN BEINART: OK,
there's no reason--

00:43:21.640 --> 00:43:25.143
AUDIENCE: The [INAUDIBLE]

00:43:25.143 --> 00:43:25.935
JULIAN BEINART: Hm?

00:43:25.935 --> 00:43:28.870
AUDIENCE: The building
[? is ?] [INAUDIBLE]

00:43:28.870 --> 00:43:30.940
JULIAN BEINART: The
building is the problem?

00:43:30.940 --> 00:43:32.560
Why is the building a problem?

00:43:32.560 --> 00:43:35.710
AUDIENCE: [? It's ?] one part
of the [? problem ?] [INAUDIBLE]

00:43:35.710 --> 00:43:38.020
JULIAN BEINART: OK, so
we've got a couple of ideas.

00:43:38.020 --> 00:43:40.720
The one is there's
not enough housing

00:43:40.720 --> 00:43:43.580
density around the square.

00:43:43.580 --> 00:43:45.480
That's probably a
good observation.

00:43:48.300 --> 00:43:51.660
In a decentralized city, why
do you need a central square?

00:43:56.030 --> 00:43:57.793
AUDIENCE: Stubbornness.

00:43:57.793 --> 00:43:59.210
JULIAN BEINART:
Stubbornness, yes.

00:44:02.000 --> 00:44:08.300
Archivalness-- that this was
a good idea historically,

00:44:08.300 --> 00:44:11.660
but it's misappropriated
literally.

00:44:11.660 --> 00:44:13.850
It's taken out of
another context

00:44:13.850 --> 00:44:16.640
and placed in one
which doesn't serve it.

00:44:26.830 --> 00:44:31.780
There have been two attempts
at solutions in competitions.

00:44:31.780 --> 00:44:33.500
The one is formal--

00:44:33.500 --> 00:44:36.250
that is, to do
something formally.

00:44:36.250 --> 00:44:41.050
One of them was to continue
Hanover Street from the north

00:44:41.050 --> 00:44:46.450
end through the
Plaza and to advocate

00:44:46.450 --> 00:44:49.660
some shopping along it.

00:44:49.660 --> 00:44:55.510
Others have proposed no
formal intervention but only

00:44:55.510 --> 00:44:57.310
programmatic intervention.

00:44:57.310 --> 00:45:01.090
There's one famous one
which puts a baseball

00:45:01.090 --> 00:45:03.180
diamond in the square.

00:45:07.960 --> 00:45:11.302
AUDIENCE: Also, I think the
biggest difference is that,

00:45:11.302 --> 00:45:15.960
in Siena, the space is an
interior space [? and ?]

00:45:15.960 --> 00:45:18.930
[? an outdoor ?]
space [INAUDIBLE]..

00:45:18.930 --> 00:45:23.120
And here, the space just
meets on [? the sides. ?]

00:45:23.120 --> 00:45:24.287
JULIAN BEINART: Well.

00:45:24.287 --> 00:45:26.120
AUDIENCE: [? Ties ?]
[? into ?] [? scale. ?]

00:45:26.120 --> 00:45:35.070
JULIAN BEINART: Yeah,
[INAUDIBLE] City Hall--

00:45:35.070 --> 00:45:37.800
there's another
tradition of open space

00:45:37.800 --> 00:45:39.480
which I'm not showing.

00:45:39.480 --> 00:45:43.650
That is the creation
of open space in front

00:45:43.650 --> 00:45:45.560
of important buildings.

00:45:48.530 --> 00:45:53.630
In Assisi, there happen to
be small open spaces, plazas,

00:45:53.630 --> 00:45:55.265
in front of each major church.

00:45:59.010 --> 00:46:04.920
This depends very much on
the quality of the building

00:46:04.920 --> 00:46:08.700
that is being addressed
and whether there's

00:46:08.700 --> 00:46:10.290
any real significance.

00:46:13.740 --> 00:46:16.980
In the Campo del
Siena, the municipality

00:46:16.980 --> 00:46:21.960
has paintings from medieval
times of the Comune.

00:46:21.960 --> 00:46:25.620
There's a sense that
this place is somehow,

00:46:25.620 --> 00:46:30.690
to use a word from
our first class,

00:46:30.690 --> 00:46:33.540
that it's somehow centered.

00:46:33.540 --> 00:46:37.410
I'm using a word from
the cosmic model.

00:46:37.410 --> 00:46:45.240
Centeredness-- it's a
metaphysical concept.

00:46:49.700 --> 00:46:53.450
In the case of the Campo,
it is both-- and Assisi--

00:46:53.450 --> 00:46:55.400
it is both-- I repeat myself--

00:46:55.400 --> 00:47:01.520
it is both an important
functional path to connect

00:47:01.520 --> 00:47:09.900
and also a place which can serve
both small and large functions.

00:47:13.055 --> 00:47:13.555
Next.

00:47:18.480 --> 00:47:25.380
This is the underground
of Rockefeller Center,

00:47:25.380 --> 00:47:31.740
the shopping mall and elevators
and new roads and the rooftop

00:47:31.740 --> 00:47:35.490
condition, which
was even considered

00:47:35.490 --> 00:47:42.471
to have aerial bridges above and
recreation events on the roof.

00:47:42.471 --> 00:47:58.230
So in Rockefeller
Center, there's

00:47:58.230 --> 00:48:00.750
public space below and above.

00:48:03.935 --> 00:48:04.435
Next.

00:48:14.880 --> 00:48:17.850
This is the largest--

00:48:17.850 --> 00:48:20.880
probably, at its time, the
largest private building

00:48:20.880 --> 00:48:23.920
development in history.

00:48:23.920 --> 00:48:29.860
I don't know about comparing
it to the pyramids or whatever,

00:48:29.860 --> 00:48:33.640
but in modern times, certainly.

00:48:33.640 --> 00:48:38.950
It's part-- it's like Assisi.

00:48:38.950 --> 00:48:43.150
In Assisi, the square is
part of the structure,

00:48:43.150 --> 00:48:46.690
the geometry of the whole town.

00:48:46.690 --> 00:48:53.090
In this case, it fits
into a grid system,

00:48:53.090 --> 00:48:57.555
which it doesn't try to destroy,
but actually adds roads.

00:49:01.120 --> 00:49:08.440
So it's adjacency to Fifth
Avenue, plus it's surrounding

00:49:08.440 --> 00:49:12.550
of a high-density
and high-income area,

00:49:12.550 --> 00:49:17.560
make this square, again,
a functionally appropriate

00:49:17.560 --> 00:49:24.695
commodity, not an attempt
to symbolize something.

00:49:24.695 --> 00:49:25.195
Next.

00:49:28.350 --> 00:49:36.050
Attempts to-- this
is, on the left,

00:49:36.050 --> 00:49:41.310
a project called Urban
Design Manhattan, some 25,

00:49:41.310 --> 00:49:46.340
30 years ago, by
a group who tried

00:49:46.340 --> 00:49:49.490
to argue that the way
to deal with Manhattan

00:49:49.490 --> 00:49:53.390
was to see it as a
three-dimensional system

00:49:53.390 --> 00:49:57.950
with vertical connections
private and horizontal

00:49:57.950 --> 00:49:59.000
connections public.

00:50:01.810 --> 00:50:04.690
The slide on the
right is what you

00:50:04.690 --> 00:50:09.550
see of the sky at
intersections in the grid

00:50:09.550 --> 00:50:12.940
[? down in ?] Manhattan.

00:50:12.940 --> 00:50:15.835
It's an attempt to
argue that there

00:50:15.835 --> 00:50:23.545
is a logic to what you see in
the sky between tall buildings.

00:50:23.545 --> 00:50:24.045
Next.

00:50:32.810 --> 00:50:38.210
The [? muteness ?] of the
departed World Trade Center

00:50:38.210 --> 00:50:47.990
and the attempt in Shanghai
to have completely private

00:50:47.990 --> 00:50:51.560
activity dominate the scene--

00:50:54.750 --> 00:51:01.110
despite all of the
attempts in the competition

00:51:01.110 --> 00:51:04.290
and the procedures
of participation

00:51:04.290 --> 00:51:08.130
to replace the
buildings on the left,

00:51:08.130 --> 00:51:09.660
the building which
is has resulted

00:51:09.660 --> 00:51:14.400
is purely the result of the
wishes of the Mr. Silverstein,

00:51:14.400 --> 00:51:15.850
the developer.

00:51:15.850 --> 00:51:16.350
Next.

00:51:21.680 --> 00:51:26.070
The tall building
is a modern icon,

00:51:26.070 --> 00:51:30.980
which has often been seen
as having perceptual value,

00:51:30.980 --> 00:51:35.510
much like a cathedral that
dominated a medieval town.

00:51:35.510 --> 00:51:37.172
The tall building is the--

00:51:41.300 --> 00:51:44.210
the attempts to make
them taller and taller--

00:51:44.210 --> 00:51:48.110
on the left is a
building in Shanghai.

00:51:48.110 --> 00:51:55.010
On the right is Louis Kahn's
attempt to design a [? much ?]

00:51:55.010 --> 00:51:57.525
[? lower ?] building
in Philadelphia.

00:51:57.525 --> 00:51:58.025
Next.

00:52:02.190 --> 00:52:06.360
A Saudi bank building in Jeddah
on the left and the attempt

00:52:06.360 --> 00:52:11.700
to make a tall building in
Kuala Lumpur, on the left,

00:52:11.700 --> 00:52:14.940
as an Islamic building.

00:52:14.940 --> 00:52:19.985
An Islamic skyscraper
is a paradox.

00:52:19.985 --> 00:52:20.485
Next.

00:52:24.590 --> 00:52:28.460
You've seen this
project on the left.

00:52:28.460 --> 00:52:32.630
It's Melnikov's entry into
the Pravda competition

00:52:32.630 --> 00:52:37.910
in St. Petersburg,
with a rotating system.

00:52:37.910 --> 00:52:44.210
And on the right, the 1922
Chicago Tribune competition--

00:52:44.210 --> 00:52:50.890
this is the entry by
Adolf Loos, where--

00:52:55.540 --> 00:53:00.815
it's difficult to
explain in simple terms.

00:53:00.815 --> 00:53:04.025
But its obviousness
is one of its powers.

00:53:06.910 --> 00:53:07.410
Next.

00:53:12.550 --> 00:53:18.390
[? There ?] is no legislation
or design of the vertical ends

00:53:18.390 --> 00:53:22.890
of tall buildings as a system.

00:53:22.890 --> 00:53:28.920
I know of no city in the
world which has an inventory.

00:53:28.920 --> 00:53:32.805
This is Houston on the right,
Constantinople on the left.

00:53:36.250 --> 00:53:39.460
One might have
thought that somebody

00:53:39.460 --> 00:53:43.000
would have had the
idea that the geometry

00:53:43.000 --> 00:53:48.710
of the system of tall buildings
would have some significance.

00:53:48.710 --> 00:53:51.130
But I don't know
of any [? city-- ?]

00:53:51.130 --> 00:53:53.530
if you know of a city, tell me--

00:53:53.530 --> 00:54:00.040
which controls the form of
the system of tall buildings.

00:54:00.040 --> 00:54:03.820
It's seen as one
of the things that

00:54:03.820 --> 00:54:07.830
is not necessary to control.

00:54:07.830 --> 00:54:13.100
It's interesting because
it's seen, in many respects,

00:54:13.100 --> 00:54:15.800
when you have a river,
and you have green space,

00:54:15.800 --> 00:54:18.500
you see the profile of
the city from a distance.

00:54:21.110 --> 00:54:21.610
Next.

00:54:26.850 --> 00:54:34.455
Tall buildings are often
used to project futurism.

00:54:34.455 --> 00:54:38.430
This is on the cover
of an Archigram booklet

00:54:38.430 --> 00:54:42.510
on the right and a
Wonder Stories book

00:54:42.510 --> 00:54:45.960
on the left, where
the synchronicity

00:54:45.960 --> 00:54:49.470
of the transportation
system creates

00:54:49.470 --> 00:54:51.835
the dynamic of the city.

00:54:51.835 --> 00:54:52.335
Next.

00:54:56.470 --> 00:54:59.470
There's another aspect,
concealed aspect,

00:54:59.470 --> 00:55:07.780
of the city, much though its
vertical shape is uncontrolled,

00:55:07.780 --> 00:55:15.970
so is below the level of
the platform [INAUDIBLE]..

00:55:15.970 --> 00:55:25.690
This is a part view of the
workings under Herald Square

00:55:25.690 --> 00:55:27.340
in New York.

00:55:27.340 --> 00:55:31.390
And on the right is a
Diego Rivera drawing called

00:55:31.390 --> 00:55:38.800
Frozen Assets, which argues
that under every city

00:55:38.800 --> 00:55:44.530
there are bodies locked
up and dead bodies giving

00:55:44.530 --> 00:55:50.740
a kind of macabre picture
of the use of the bottom.

00:55:50.740 --> 00:55:54.400
You'll remember a picture
I showed you of travel

00:55:54.400 --> 00:55:58.510
in the sewers of Paris--

00:55:58.510 --> 00:55:59.590
tourist trips.

00:56:02.405 --> 00:56:02.905
Next.

00:56:06.806 --> 00:56:12.120
[? Here ?] [? are ?] two
examples in from Manhattan

00:56:12.120 --> 00:56:17.400
of the attempt by
new office buildings,

00:56:17.400 --> 00:56:20.880
on the Lever Brothers on the
left and the Ford Foundation

00:56:20.880 --> 00:56:23.770
on the right, to give
the impression that

00:56:23.770 --> 00:56:26.790
they're creating public space.

00:56:26.790 --> 00:56:29.530
There's no market for
the space underneath,

00:56:29.530 --> 00:56:34.770
as I tried to show in comparison
to Fifth Avenue and Madison,

00:56:34.770 --> 00:56:38.130
or Fifth Avenue and Park.

00:56:38.130 --> 00:56:43.440
So it's very easy to give up the
ground floor space in an office

00:56:43.440 --> 00:56:47.610
building, as it was easy
for Seagrams Building

00:56:47.610 --> 00:56:51.150
to sit back in return
for [? higher ?] bulk.

00:56:55.810 --> 00:56:58.855
There's no public
space under a tower.

00:57:01.600 --> 00:57:06.900
Richard Sennett has written
very critically of this device.

00:57:06.900 --> 00:57:12.730
The Ford Foundation puts a
garden inside the building

00:57:12.730 --> 00:57:16.080
as if it's a public park.

00:57:16.080 --> 00:57:20.380
In fact, it very
curtailed as to its entry.

00:57:20.380 --> 00:57:20.880
Next.

00:57:27.390 --> 00:57:34.040
Bank in Hong Kong, of
course-- a famous bank where

00:57:34.040 --> 00:57:37.730
there's an attempt to
give a sense of public

00:57:37.730 --> 00:57:40.250
in the interior.

00:57:40.250 --> 00:57:44.450
And the access to the
interior is tightly controlled

00:57:44.450 --> 00:57:48.870
by a single escalator.

00:57:48.870 --> 00:57:52.430
The whole idea of
this insinuation

00:57:52.430 --> 00:58:00.580
is that this represents
a unification

00:58:00.580 --> 00:58:06.670
of the work that's being
done in this vertical space.

00:58:06.670 --> 00:58:13.250
And yet each group
works individually.

00:58:13.250 --> 00:58:13.750
Next.

00:58:16.650 --> 00:58:21.390
This is Herman Hertzberger's
insurance company project

00:58:21.390 --> 00:58:23.010
in Amsterdam.

00:58:23.010 --> 00:58:28.230
No, no sorry-- it's
not in Amsterdam.

00:58:28.230 --> 00:58:33.630
It's in-- I'll
think of the name--

00:58:33.630 --> 00:58:38.190
where each of the workers
in this insurance company

00:58:38.190 --> 00:58:42.180
is allowed to personalize
their own space.

00:58:42.180 --> 00:58:45.660
Yet the openness of
the whole structure

00:58:45.660 --> 00:58:48.690
depicts a sense of community.

00:58:48.690 --> 00:58:52.100
This is the exterior
of the system,

00:58:52.100 --> 00:58:58.010
whereby the system stops bluntly
when it leaves the building.

00:58:58.010 --> 00:58:58.510
Next.

00:59:05.070 --> 00:59:08.280
This is where the conjunction
of public and private

00:59:08.280 --> 00:59:12.610
becomes somewhat meaningless.

00:59:12.610 --> 00:59:15.840
On the right is Trump Tower.

00:59:15.840 --> 00:59:20.130
On the left is Citicorp, the
ground floor of Citicorp,

00:59:20.130 --> 00:59:25.530
which has 20 stores and
enormous things going on.

00:59:25.530 --> 00:59:28.950
Do you feel public in these
animated spaces, which are

00:59:28.950 --> 00:59:33.720
intensely private ownership?

00:59:33.720 --> 00:59:42.450
Remember the matrix-- use,
ownership, access, and meaning.

00:59:42.450 --> 00:59:47.640
And try always to
use that matrix

00:59:47.640 --> 00:59:54.070
to test whether what is private
and what is public about space.

00:59:54.070 --> 00:59:57.565
In this case, ownership
is completely private.

00:59:57.565 --> 01:00:00.430
Access is public.

01:00:00.430 --> 01:00:06.130
Use is public, but
probably oriented

01:00:06.130 --> 01:00:10.030
absolutely to private profit.

01:00:10.030 --> 01:00:14.710
And meaning is whatever
you want to make of it.

01:00:14.710 --> 01:00:21.380
You can feel more
public in the base

01:00:21.380 --> 01:00:25.970
of Citicorp Plaza, the
new Citicorp Building,

01:00:25.970 --> 01:00:30.365
than you can in City
Hall Plaza in Boston.

01:00:30.365 --> 01:00:30.865
Next.

01:00:36.710 --> 01:00:40.520
The attempt to
shape tall buildings

01:00:40.520 --> 01:00:45.350
with elements of the
decentralized city,

01:00:45.350 --> 01:00:48.080
both ecologically and--

01:00:48.080 --> 01:00:50.775
it's a bit of a joke.

01:00:50.775 --> 01:00:51.275
Next.

01:00:55.440 --> 01:00:57.870
From the Wonder
magazine diagrams,

01:00:57.870 --> 01:01:01.486
you get this intense--

01:01:01.486 --> 01:01:05.280
there are many
visions of Manhattan

01:01:05.280 --> 01:01:11.130
which are multiplications
of traffic,

01:01:11.130 --> 01:01:14.820
suggesting that automobiles
be on a different-- the trains

01:01:14.820 --> 01:01:18.820
on the lowest level,
automobiles above, and including

01:01:18.820 --> 01:01:24.270
a rail system, public rail
system, pedestrians on a level

01:01:24.270 --> 01:01:25.320
above.

01:01:25.320 --> 01:01:29.620
And many levels above
there are pedestrians.

01:01:29.620 --> 01:01:34.890
This is an image of the
modern city which is closeted

01:01:34.890 --> 01:01:37.860
in a lot of people's minds.

01:01:37.860 --> 01:01:41.574
It just doesn't happen.

01:01:41.574 --> 01:01:43.470
AUDIENCE: How much was
this vision reinforced

01:01:43.470 --> 01:01:46.480
by Fritz Lang's Metropolis?

01:01:46.480 --> 01:01:47.980
JULIAN BEINART: A
number of things--

01:01:51.130 --> 01:01:57.010
I think Moses King, who did some
of the most wonderful versions

01:01:57.010 --> 01:01:58.580
of this-- these are not King's--

01:02:02.690 --> 01:02:06.410
portrayed a kind of
utilitarian base to this.

01:02:06.410 --> 01:02:11.330
Manhattan was getting to
be so dense and congested

01:02:11.330 --> 01:02:18.170
that the reaction was let's use
vertical space to distinguish

01:02:18.170 --> 01:02:22.235
between vertical and
horizontal movement.

01:02:27.750 --> 01:02:29.870
You can imagine
movies being made.

01:02:29.870 --> 01:02:35.340
This is this is probably
suitable for a Batman movie,

01:02:35.340 --> 01:02:38.280
extraordinary things are
being-- supernatural events

01:02:38.280 --> 01:02:39.720
are taking place.

01:02:39.720 --> 01:02:41.910
There's something
supernatural about people

01:02:41.910 --> 01:02:43.650
walking on the 20--

01:02:43.650 --> 01:02:48.570
up in the sky on the 20th floor
across from two buildings.

01:02:48.570 --> 01:02:56.970
The basic rule is that people
are where there's reason to be.

01:02:56.970 --> 01:03:00.520
The number of people on the 20th
floor of two office buildings

01:03:00.520 --> 01:03:04.290
is too few to generate
any need for connection

01:03:04.290 --> 01:03:07.170
at that [? tower. ?] You
come down the elevator,

01:03:07.170 --> 01:03:09.030
and you connect to the base.

01:03:09.030 --> 01:03:11.130
There are a few
cities in the world

01:03:11.130 --> 01:03:15.351
which have developed
enough density, nor do I--

01:03:15.351 --> 01:03:19.410
I won't be around, but I don't
project that there will ever

01:03:19.410 --> 01:03:22.710
be cities which will
develop significantly

01:03:22.710 --> 01:03:25.860
upper-level
pedestrian crossings.

01:03:29.840 --> 01:03:34.880
This contradicts much of
the romance with this kind

01:03:34.880 --> 01:03:37.190
of world, of architects.

01:03:37.190 --> 01:03:44.720
Archigram was based on dense
models of urban interaction,

01:03:44.720 --> 01:03:47.730
which seldom take place.

01:03:47.730 --> 01:03:52.150
That's why architects
hate suburbia so much.

01:03:52.150 --> 01:03:54.922
That's a Catholic statement.

01:03:54.922 --> 01:03:56.200
[LAUGHTER]

01:03:56.200 --> 01:03:58.360
Next.

01:03:58.360 --> 01:03:58.860
Next.

01:04:05.600 --> 01:04:10.130
On the left is the marathon
in New York and on the right

01:04:10.130 --> 01:04:16.310
there are celebrations
after the hostages from Iran

01:04:16.310 --> 01:04:17.630
were released and returned.

01:04:27.610 --> 01:04:34.360
Archaic relied on space-time
inventions such as rituals

01:04:34.360 --> 01:04:37.390
not only to mark space
in particular ways,

01:04:37.390 --> 01:04:43.450
as you saw in the example of
Madurai in Southern India.

01:04:43.450 --> 01:04:49.060
But in crude form, this
is the same phenomenon,

01:04:49.060 --> 01:04:52.690
the bringing together
of people in public

01:04:52.690 --> 01:04:56.990
to celebrate a
particular thing--

01:04:56.990 --> 01:05:00.250
in the case, a race,
which has meaning which

01:05:00.250 --> 01:05:05.140
is meaningless, in the
second, a celebration

01:05:05.140 --> 01:05:12.060
to return people after being
captured by a foreign nation.