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PROFESSOR: OK, good afternoon.

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Today's lecture is going to
be on child development.

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How they go from infancy and
head towards adulthood.

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Next Thursday we'll talk about
development after infancy and

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into adulthood and over age.

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And this amazing thing about
babies and how do they get

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going, and how do scientists
discover from babies and young

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children how their minds
are fundamentally

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different than adults.

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And how your mind was
fundamentally different than

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it is as an adult.

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And then the last thing will
be a dangerous experiment,

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where my wife will come over
with my two-year-old and my

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four-year-old and we'll try
to do a developmental

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demonstration in front of you.

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But I should warn you
that live children

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have their own will.

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So we'll see how that
goes, okay?

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All right.

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So one thing that people are
struck by babies is that

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babies are cute.

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And it's not just--

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It's thought to be not just
fun, but kind of a really

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important biological thing.

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We talked about motherese
before.

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Singsong talk to babies that
help them learn a language.

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There's something about adults
finding babies cute that makes

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them want to help babies.

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Parents and friends--

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The cuteness is thought to be
an evolutionary reward for

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dealing with a baby.

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And people have said, well what
is it that's a little bit

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different about a baby's
face than an adult?

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They have rounder heads, they
have foreheads that protrude

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more towards--

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that slope back more.

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They have larger eyes
proportionately.

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Smaller jaw bones
proportionally.

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And people use the term neotony
to describe this kind

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of infant proportions, or
properties, of faces, which

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are universal.

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And, of course, a lot of
people discover this in

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advertising or cartoons.

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And so here's an interesting
example of how Mickey Mouse

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has, over the years, from the
original version of Mickey

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Mouse to the current super
cute, super tested, super

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Disney version of Mickey Mouse,
has become increasingly

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neotonized.

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And how much the cartoonists
literally know that, or just

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have kept saying, what makes
cuter, and cuter, and cuter,

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and ended up with a lot of the
same proportions in Mickey

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Mouse's face that make infants
so cute and desirable.

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We don't really know.

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But the world kind
of feels this.

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Even adult research-- there's
a little funny line of

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research-- that says adults who
look more baby-faced get

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treated a little bit
different socially.

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So here's Leonardo DiCaprio.

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And baby-faced adults in
experiments are perceived as,

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just by their faces, as more
naive, more honest, more

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helpless, more kind,
more warm.

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People think, this is going
to be a nice warm person.

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Guessing from faces they're
using the cues of neotony.

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Other studies have found that
people who are baby-faced are

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statistically more likely to be
found innocent in cases of

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intentional wrongdoing.

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So where they're trying to prove
if somebody on purpose

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tried to do something
bad, they go, not

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that cute little person.

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But there's no difference if
it's cases that involve

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negligence.

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Something where you should
have done something.

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Because we know babies aren't
super responsible

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for how they behave.

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And they're less likely to
receive votes in elections.

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So people have done--

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I won't even tell you this-- but
people have done all kinds

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of analyses of faces that
win elections in the US

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and around the world.

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And there's two dimensions
that people look for.

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What looks like somebody's
empathetic and what looks like

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somebody's competent.

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So you want babies when it's
fun, but when you have to

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figure out how to balance the
budget that doesn't seem like

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a baby task.

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So it's kind of funny.

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And a lot of voters go by
instincts as well as by facts

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or stated values.

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So in the development of infants
into adults, the

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classic debates about how our
mind grasps the world have

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played out, yet again,
in a powerful way.

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You know, the nature-nurture
debate.

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What's in our genes
and gets us going?

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What's acquired from
the environment?

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Philosophers who say that
knowledge starts with innate,

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or genetic, or more evolved
capacities.

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Other ones who've emphasized
that we pick it up from the

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world empirically as measuring
scientists.

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So, for example, Aristotle
wrote, "There's nothing in the

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intellect which was not first
in the senses." that's the

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empirical view.

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It's out there in the world
and you solve it.

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And starting with
a blank slate.

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And, in fact, the behaviorists
believed in this with a

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vengeance in psychology.

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So Watson wrote, "Give me a
dozen healthy infants, well

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formed, and my own specified
world to bring them up.

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And I'll guarantee to take any
of them, one at random, and

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train him to become any type of
specialist I might select.

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A doctor, lawyer, artist,
merchant, chief, and, yes,

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even beggerman and thief.

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That it's all the environment
and a blank slate.

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And who really knows?"

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But infants are born with some
incredible things, an we'll

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talk about them today.

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One of them is this experiment
from Andy

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Meltzoff, which is this.

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That it seems like within
moments of birth, infants are

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equipped with a desire
to imitate adults.

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A desire to imitate.

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And why people have been really
impressed by this is,

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if you have that in your genes
and in your nature, it's a

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good way to learn about the
world is to imitate people you

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see around you.

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It's kind of a driving
principal.

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I'll imitate their language,
their social mores.

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Here's what Meltzoff did.

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Sticks out his tongue, opens
his mouth, purses his lips.

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And here's the infant, one day
or a couple days old, tongue

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out, mouth open, lips pursed.

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Now, I should warn you
about one thing.

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These are the greatest hits
pieces of that research.

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People debate about
how perfectly this

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happens, all right?

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So I was frustrated when my
infant came home and I did all

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this stuff and she would not
instantly do everything she

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was supposed to do.

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It's a statistical thing.

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Because when you see these
pictures, they're showing you

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the best moments.

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They have to defend that it
happens above chances

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statistically.

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But it's not like every
expression you

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make they copy you.

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And that's why there's still
some debate about exactly

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what's going on.

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But they definitely, on average,
imitate an adult

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within a day or two of birth
for completely arbitrary--

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as far as we think--

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expressions.

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So it's a very powerful
mechanism for learning that

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appears to be in place.

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Because there's two ways that
we could imagine genetically

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programmed learning.

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One is that you know the
content of it already.

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But another way is that
you just have stuff

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that makes you a learner.

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So being an imitator is a
general way to make you a

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learner without being very
specific to the content.

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So we talked a little bit
about this already, but

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psychologists are unbelievably
brilliant--

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I think, I'm really blown away--
about how they can

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figure out when an infant knows
and doesn't know, or

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young child knows
or doesn't know.

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And they do this indirectly by
things like looking time.

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And you've seen this.

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I'll give you an
example or two.

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And you'll see some
more examples.

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As a measure of what
the baby knows, or

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the young child knows.

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And, of course, if they look
longer at something it could

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be because they prefer it.

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And, also, if it's based
on a memory task--

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like you saw something,
you see it again--

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that would tell you there's some
sort of discrimination .

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They can tell things apart
based on memory.

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And then, sometimes, people will
push this memory thing

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with habituation or
familiarization, so if you

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show something to a baby over,
and over, and over again, they

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get sort of tired of it.

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And at that moment they'll
change the stimulus.

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And they'll see whether the
baby gets newly attentive.

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Now, if it's something that the
baby doesn't grasp, they

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won't get newly attentive.

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You know, nothing's changed
in their mind.

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If it's something the baby
understands, then they'll say,

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wow, something interesting
is happening.

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And they'll look longer.

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So, here's an example.

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Baby getting bored because
they're showing something over

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and over, and something
new, oh!

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That's the kind of things
that people measure.

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And we're doing it
loosely here.

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They measure it pretty
carefully.

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I should tell you, the people
who do this kind of research--

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they'll film it, they'll show
it to unbiased people like

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you, maybe judges.

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OK, to say, how long is
the baby looking?

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Where's it looking?

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You don't know where the baby
should be looking at or not.

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So researchers take care to make
it not just that you're

00:08:54.230 --> 00:08:55.680
convinced in your heart
of hearts that

00:08:55.680 --> 00:08:56.370
they're looking more.

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They film it.

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They show it to people who don't
know what's going on.

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They try to make it a blind
procedure in many ways, the

00:09:01.010 --> 00:09:02.440
better research.

00:09:02.440 --> 00:09:03.610
So how do we know things?

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Even very young infants look
selectively at novel objects.

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If something's new, even at
one day, if you show them

00:09:10.410 --> 00:09:14.900
checkerboards with different
size squares, same size, same

00:09:14.900 --> 00:09:18.850
size, same size, wait a couple
seconds, smaller squares.

00:09:18.850 --> 00:09:20.240
They look more.

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This shows you they saw the
difference in the squares.

00:09:22.520 --> 00:09:25.560
They even remember, somehow in
their mind, the difference

00:09:25.560 --> 00:09:26.620
between the squares.

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Because when you switch it
they start looking more.

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Something interesting has
happened based on perception

00:09:31.580 --> 00:09:34.080
and memory.

00:09:34.080 --> 00:09:35.140
Another thing that
we've mentioned--

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I'll just remind you-- is that
infants, almost from birth,

00:09:37.290 --> 00:09:40.720
seem to love to control, or
provoke, their environment.

00:09:40.720 --> 00:09:43.350
So we already mentioned to you
that 20 month olds prefer a

00:09:43.350 --> 00:09:46.310
mobile that responds to their
bodily movements.

00:09:46.310 --> 00:09:47.940
They like things that
they control.

00:09:47.940 --> 00:09:50.610
If they take a two-month-old,
and they put a string on their

00:09:50.610 --> 00:09:53.509
wrist by which they can control
a showing of Sesame

00:09:53.509 --> 00:09:57.260
Street, they kind
of like that.

00:09:57.260 --> 00:09:59.910
And if you stop Sesame Street,
they show anger on their face.

00:09:59.910 --> 00:10:03.210
Hey, I was in charge here, who
has the remote control now.

00:10:03.210 --> 00:10:05.875
And four and five month olds,
a little bit older, remain

00:10:05.875 --> 00:10:09.190
angry when the video comes back
on because that's not

00:10:09.190 --> 00:10:09.930
what they wanted.

00:10:09.930 --> 00:10:12.850
They wanted to control the
presentation of the video.

00:10:12.850 --> 00:10:17.470
So infants have this apparent
craving to explore and feel

00:10:17.470 --> 00:10:20.470
like they have some control over
their environment, at an

00:10:20.470 --> 00:10:22.820
age when they don't control a
lot because of their limited

00:10:22.820 --> 00:10:25.460
physical capacity.

00:10:25.460 --> 00:10:28.290
In the first three or four
months, infants explore the

00:10:28.290 --> 00:10:29.980
world a lot by their mouths.

00:10:29.980 --> 00:10:32.890
That's why people worry to not
leave around things that they

00:10:32.890 --> 00:10:36.010
will put into their mouth and
swallow, that are dangerous.

00:10:36.010 --> 00:10:38.070
Because their visual and
auditory systems, and their

00:10:38.070 --> 00:10:40.460
system with their hand,
are slowly developing.

00:10:40.460 --> 00:10:42.540
By five or six months around
the world, they start to

00:10:42.540 --> 00:10:44.450
explore with their hands and
their eyes around them.

00:10:44.450 --> 00:10:46.580
As their motor system
gets more mature.

00:10:46.580 --> 00:10:50.120
As their visual system
gains acuity.

00:10:50.120 --> 00:10:53.340
And we already know that infants
use social cues to

00:10:53.340 --> 00:10:54.250
guide exploration.

00:10:54.250 --> 00:10:56.660
One of the big changes this
happened in the last 10 years,

00:10:56.660 --> 00:11:00.880
I'd say, in infant studies or
child studies, has been a lot

00:11:00.880 --> 00:11:04.230
of appreciation about the
intersection between cognition

00:11:04.230 --> 00:11:05.590
and social interaction.

00:11:05.590 --> 00:11:07.365
There used to be like two
different worlds of people who

00:11:07.365 --> 00:11:08.400
studied language.

00:11:08.400 --> 00:11:10.980
They would have algorithms and
formulas about the language.

00:11:10.980 --> 00:11:13.400
And then the social people who'd
study how babies were

00:11:13.400 --> 00:11:14.740
cute or something, right?

00:11:14.740 --> 00:11:17.400
But there's been more and more
thought that a deep thing in

00:11:17.400 --> 00:11:20.980
us that helps cognition grow,
is the social relations that

00:11:20.980 --> 00:11:24.140
an infant is drawn to parents
and caretakers.

00:11:24.140 --> 00:11:28.250
So, for example, a
six-month-old, if their mother

00:11:28.250 --> 00:11:31.850
rolls or pounds a ball, they
tend to copy, they tend to

00:11:31.850 --> 00:11:34.270
imitate that action.

00:11:34.270 --> 00:11:36.180
They follow the eyes
of a person.

00:11:36.180 --> 00:11:37.060
Joint attention.

00:11:37.060 --> 00:11:39.210
You know, eyes are the
windows on the soul.

00:11:39.210 --> 00:11:40.540
We know eyes mean a lot.

00:11:40.540 --> 00:11:41.860
Where are people putting
their attention?

00:11:41.860 --> 00:11:43.380
What are they paying
attention to?

00:11:43.380 --> 00:11:45.750
Infants pick up on this
very early on.

00:11:45.750 --> 00:11:48.720
And if somebody looks over there
they look over there.

00:11:48.720 --> 00:11:50.540
If you look at them they
know your attention

00:11:50.540 --> 00:11:52.030
is focused on them.

00:11:52.030 --> 00:11:53.730
And sometimes people
will say--

00:11:53.730 --> 00:11:55.570
because psychologists love to
test everything-- is it just

00:11:55.570 --> 00:11:57.100
the way the head is turning?

00:11:57.100 --> 00:11:59.540
So if you cover somebody's
head they

00:11:59.540 --> 00:12:00.760
don't follow it anymore.

00:12:00.760 --> 00:12:04.440
They know it has to be the eyes
reflecting where the mind

00:12:04.440 --> 00:12:06.010
is putting its attention.

00:12:06.010 --> 00:12:07.230
It's not the head direction.

00:12:07.230 --> 00:12:09.500
It's the eyes.

00:12:09.500 --> 00:12:11.750
Here's something, infants who
are a little bit better at

00:12:11.750 --> 00:12:13.200
following eyes--

00:12:13.200 --> 00:12:14.800
either maturing faster
or something--

00:12:14.800 --> 00:12:16.810
also learn language faster.

00:12:16.810 --> 00:12:19.020
They get words faster,
and syntax faster.

00:12:19.020 --> 00:12:22.100
It's as if part of that social
interaction is helping to

00:12:22.100 --> 00:12:23.700
drive the language learning.

00:12:23.700 --> 00:12:26.140
So that's how these social
things and language things

00:12:26.140 --> 00:12:28.440
interact very substantially.

00:12:28.440 --> 00:12:31.000
And we already said that a
12-month-old will stop at a

00:12:31.000 --> 00:12:33.970
visual cliff, but if the mother
smiles there they go.

00:12:33.970 --> 00:12:36.920
So constant learning
that mixes in the

00:12:36.920 --> 00:12:39.160
cognitive and the social.

00:12:39.160 --> 00:12:42.506
Now the epic name in
developmental psychology is

00:12:42.506 --> 00:12:43.130
Jean Piaget.

00:12:43.130 --> 00:12:46.950
Because prior to him, roughly
speaking, in the science of

00:12:46.950 --> 00:12:49.880
child development, people just
thought children were sort of

00:12:49.880 --> 00:12:53.460
boring and dumb.

00:12:53.460 --> 00:12:55.310
They need a lot of attention.

00:12:55.310 --> 00:13:00.390
Please finish MIT so we can talk
with you intelligently.

00:13:00.390 --> 00:13:02.130
I guess people were not
that interested.

00:13:02.130 --> 00:13:04.020
Partly is the world was
different in so many ways.

00:13:04.020 --> 00:13:06.130
There was no-- practically
no--

00:13:06.130 --> 00:13:08.280
formal psychology
experimentation or thought

00:13:08.280 --> 00:13:11.270
about what really children's
mental lives were like.

00:13:11.270 --> 00:13:13.501
And Piaget--

00:13:13.501 --> 00:13:17.840
I have a wrong year
there, 1886--

00:13:17.840 --> 00:13:19.020
developed--

00:13:19.020 --> 00:13:21.920
he himself was a child prodigy,
trained in biology.

00:13:21.920 --> 00:13:24.430
Very early interest in whether
categories are in our heads or

00:13:24.430 --> 00:13:25.540
in the world.

00:13:25.540 --> 00:13:26.260
Tried poetry.

00:13:26.260 --> 00:13:28.070
Worked with Binet on
intelligence testing.

00:13:28.070 --> 00:13:30.100
Became interested in patterns
of errors and successes.

00:13:30.100 --> 00:13:33.510
You'll see that in many ways,
what he discovered about how a

00:13:33.510 --> 00:13:36.150
child mind is different than
yours fundamentally, is based

00:13:36.150 --> 00:13:38.470
on the patterns of
their errors.

00:13:38.470 --> 00:13:40.590
And he said, there's two
basic things going on.

00:13:40.590 --> 00:13:41.980
This is a huge idea.

00:13:41.980 --> 00:13:44.960
One is assimilation, you
incorporate new knowledge into

00:13:44.960 --> 00:13:46.270
existing cognitive structures.

00:13:46.270 --> 00:13:48.790
It's basically ways you
think about the world.

00:13:48.790 --> 00:13:50.350
And new knowledge is added.

00:13:50.350 --> 00:13:51.660
That's important.

00:13:51.660 --> 00:13:54.140
But he thought the dramatic
thing that happens in infancy

00:13:54.140 --> 00:13:56.600
and childhood is what he
called adaptation.

00:13:56.600 --> 00:13:58.930
That the fundamental ways in
which you understand the world

00:13:58.930 --> 00:14:01.960
are shifted, through
development, to accommodate

00:14:01.960 --> 00:14:02.940
new evidence.

00:14:02.940 --> 00:14:04.930
So there's a wonderful book if
you come across it called The

00:14:04.930 --> 00:14:06.940
Scientist in the Crib.

00:14:06.940 --> 00:14:08.030
But it's kind of a pun.

00:14:08.030 --> 00:14:09.890
It's written by scientists
who study infants.

00:14:09.890 --> 00:14:13.600
But the idea is that, in a
sense, every infant is kind of

00:14:13.600 --> 00:14:14.870
his or her own scientist--

00:14:14.870 --> 00:14:15.720
as you were--

00:14:15.720 --> 00:14:18.500
probing the world and
discovering the physical and

00:14:18.500 --> 00:14:20.390
social laws of the world.

00:14:20.390 --> 00:14:22.530
Because they don't know them
coming in and they're going to

00:14:22.530 --> 00:14:23.750
pick up a lot of them.

00:14:23.750 --> 00:14:26.610
They're going to probe them.

00:14:26.610 --> 00:14:30.050
But fail to publish
the results.

00:14:30.050 --> 00:14:33.380
So Piaget postulated that were
these big stages, what he

00:14:33.380 --> 00:14:36.220
called the Sensorimotor age,
zero to two, where the world

00:14:36.220 --> 00:14:38.820
is one of what you see and
the physical actions.

00:14:38.820 --> 00:14:40.920
And there's not much
representation of ideas or

00:14:40.920 --> 00:14:41.810
lasting thoughts.

00:14:41.810 --> 00:14:43.960
And we'll see some examples
of these.

00:14:43.960 --> 00:14:45.950
Between two and seven, you start
to be able to keep a

00:14:45.950 --> 00:14:47.160
thought in your mind.

00:14:47.160 --> 00:14:48.840
You still have an egocentric
prospective.

00:14:48.840 --> 00:14:51.720
You see the world from your view
but not appreciating the

00:14:51.720 --> 00:14:53.770
views of somebody else.

00:14:53.770 --> 00:14:55.800
You start to use language.

00:14:55.800 --> 00:14:59.430
A lot of flimsy discussion about
fantasy and reality.

00:14:59.430 --> 00:15:01.340
I could tell you with my own
daughter, who you'll meet,

00:15:01.340 --> 00:15:02.660
she's still working out
whether fairies

00:15:02.660 --> 00:15:05.530
really exist or not.

00:15:05.530 --> 00:15:07.700
This was chaotic because we
went to some skating show

00:15:07.700 --> 00:15:11.720
where Tinkerbell was a human
dancing, and that totally made

00:15:11.720 --> 00:15:12.970
the situation very
complicated.

00:15:15.430 --> 00:15:16.680
She's still working on that.

00:15:16.680 --> 00:15:20.920
Concrete, as you get 7 to 11,
organize logical thought.

00:15:20.920 --> 00:15:23.420
Still concrete, as opposed
to sort of abstract.

00:15:23.420 --> 00:15:26.080
And then you move to more adult
like cognition, which

00:15:26.080 --> 00:15:28.270
we'll talk about next week.

00:15:28.270 --> 00:15:33.060
So the idea is from birth to two
years, you would love to

00:15:33.060 --> 00:15:35.830
have an infant just tell you
what do I think the world is

00:15:35.830 --> 00:15:36.360
really like.

00:15:36.360 --> 00:15:38.800
They have very modest language,
of course, so they

00:15:38.800 --> 00:15:40.390
can't tell you what they see.

00:15:40.390 --> 00:15:43.630
So the thought is they have
fleeting, disconnected sensory

00:15:43.630 --> 00:15:45.030
impressions and motor
reactions.

00:15:45.030 --> 00:15:46.270
It's all, what do I see?

00:15:46.270 --> 00:15:48.160
How am I responding?

00:15:48.160 --> 00:15:52.500
That their focus of thought is
centered on actions, not

00:15:52.500 --> 00:15:53.990
things or intentions.

00:15:53.990 --> 00:15:56.190
And I'll show you in a
very concrete way.

00:15:56.190 --> 00:15:58.170
That there's no distinction in
their mind between things that

00:15:58.170 --> 00:16:00.680
are stable in the world
and transient events.

00:16:00.680 --> 00:16:03.620
No distinction between
themselves and the world

00:16:03.620 --> 00:16:04.140
around them.

00:16:04.140 --> 00:16:09.150
It's all just one big mush until
they connect abstract

00:16:09.150 --> 00:16:12.650
representations that separate
these things out.

00:16:12.650 --> 00:16:18.700
So let's talk about
object permanence.

00:16:18.700 --> 00:16:22.160
I'm going to show you that you
have object permanence just by

00:16:22.160 --> 00:16:23.940
saying, here's my pointer.

00:16:23.940 --> 00:16:24.650
I need a volunteer.

00:16:24.650 --> 00:16:31.260
This is so easy that you
will not feel scared.

00:16:31.260 --> 00:16:34.200
I promise.

00:16:34.200 --> 00:16:34.410
All right.

00:16:34.410 --> 00:16:35.320
Thank you very much.

00:16:35.320 --> 00:16:37.880
So you see this?

00:16:37.880 --> 00:16:39.950
Where do you think it is now?

00:16:39.950 --> 00:16:41.120
OK.

00:16:41.120 --> 00:16:42.740
If I was really cool
teacher who did

00:16:42.740 --> 00:16:45.690
magic it would be gone.

00:16:45.690 --> 00:16:46.870
But yes, and you know
it's there.

00:16:46.870 --> 00:16:49.070
That's object permanence.

00:16:49.070 --> 00:16:50.630
If you turn your head
you believe it's

00:16:50.630 --> 00:16:52.540
probably still there.

00:16:52.540 --> 00:16:56.900
But that's going beyond the
fundamentals of perception,

00:16:56.900 --> 00:16:58.820
that's your knowledge, and
representing in your head,

00:16:58.820 --> 00:17:01.350
there's something I don't see
but I know it's there.

00:17:01.350 --> 00:17:04.980
That is not available to
a zero to two year old.

00:17:04.980 --> 00:17:09.660
So, for example, if they see a
rattle they feel a rattle.

00:17:09.660 --> 00:17:12.640
But now if they look away, or
if you just put a sheet of

00:17:12.640 --> 00:17:13.420
paper in front of it--

00:17:13.420 --> 00:17:15.339
I'll show you a couple
of examples--

00:17:15.339 --> 00:17:19.109
they behave as if the rattle
no longer exists.

00:17:19.109 --> 00:17:20.520
Just like I did in
front of you.

00:17:20.520 --> 00:17:23.510
If you just cover it up, it's
gone as if it doesn't exist.

00:17:23.510 --> 00:17:26.579
Because their mind cannot
represent what they do not see

00:17:26.579 --> 00:17:28.960
right in front of them.

00:17:28.960 --> 00:17:32.200
So out of sight out
of existence.

00:17:32.200 --> 00:17:34.660
So you can show them a toy they
love, and until about

00:17:34.660 --> 00:17:37.590
eight months, you
could do this.

00:17:37.590 --> 00:17:38.480
They'll start crying.

00:17:38.480 --> 00:17:40.020
They'll protest.

00:17:40.020 --> 00:17:42.650
But they won't reach for it,
even when it's easily within

00:17:42.650 --> 00:17:43.610
their reach.

00:17:43.610 --> 00:17:44.730
Out of sight, out of mind.

00:17:44.730 --> 00:17:45.330
It doesn't exist.

00:17:45.330 --> 00:17:50.560
They can't represent in their
mind what they don't see.

00:17:50.560 --> 00:17:51.590
And then there's another one.

00:17:51.590 --> 00:17:52.990
You'll see a film of this.

00:17:52.990 --> 00:17:53.920
But let me tell you this.

00:17:53.920 --> 00:17:58.180
Which tells you about actions
verses other things.

00:17:58.180 --> 00:18:01.400
So imagine you hide a toy under
one location, the child

00:18:01.400 --> 00:18:02.720
searches there, finds it.

00:18:02.720 --> 00:18:04.090
You hide it again in
the same location.

00:18:04.090 --> 00:18:05.520
You encourage the
child to search.

00:18:05.520 --> 00:18:06.050
They find it.

00:18:06.050 --> 00:18:08.450
They do it two or three times.

00:18:08.450 --> 00:18:12.130
Now, in front of the child, you
take that same object that

00:18:12.130 --> 00:18:13.590
you've shown them like
this several times.

00:18:13.590 --> 00:18:15.280
They've grabbed several times.

00:18:15.280 --> 00:18:17.780
And you simply, in front
of them, pick it up

00:18:17.780 --> 00:18:19.070
and put it over here.

00:18:19.070 --> 00:18:20.510
And they're viewing everything
in full view,

00:18:20.510 --> 00:18:22.240
just like you did.

00:18:22.240 --> 00:18:23.810
What do they do?

00:18:23.810 --> 00:18:26.990
When it's their turn to
grab they grab here.

00:18:26.990 --> 00:18:27.790
The wrong place.

00:18:27.790 --> 00:18:29.920
The place where they
grab before.

00:18:29.920 --> 00:18:33.650
Because what's in their mind
is the action they did.

00:18:33.650 --> 00:18:36.250
Not the object as an independent
thing they can put

00:18:36.250 --> 00:18:36.670
in their mind.

00:18:36.670 --> 00:18:37.690
Does that makes sense?

00:18:37.690 --> 00:18:40.320
And I'll show you several
pieces of this.

00:18:40.320 --> 00:18:42.120
It's called the A-not-B
effect.

00:18:42.120 --> 00:18:46.440
I put this A, A, A, A in
the front, full view.

00:18:46.440 --> 00:18:50.920
Put it over here and they reach
over here to get it.

00:18:50.920 --> 00:18:56.360
So this is this idea, that in
their head is not a toy.

00:18:56.360 --> 00:18:58.910
Their head is representing the
thing on the right that they

00:18:58.910 --> 00:18:59.460
reached for.

00:18:59.460 --> 00:19:01.450
Because they don't represent
ideas of things.

00:19:01.450 --> 00:19:05.610
They represent actions
that they've done.

00:19:05.610 --> 00:19:07.220
So here's object permanence.

00:19:07.220 --> 00:19:10.650
Here's a child sees
a toy they like.

00:19:10.650 --> 00:19:13.616
You put up, in front of them,
this thing and tragically,

00:19:13.616 --> 00:19:15.640
it's disappeared.

00:19:15.640 --> 00:19:17.190
It's gone out of existence
in the world.

00:19:21.740 --> 00:19:24.020
Some people have done some
sort of NIRS imaging

00:19:24.020 --> 00:19:27.990
suggesting that kids who get
past this stage are developing

00:19:27.990 --> 00:19:29.950
some frontal maturation.

00:19:29.950 --> 00:19:31.660
But I think the most compelling
things are the

00:19:31.660 --> 00:19:32.910
videos of the kids themselves.

00:19:38.450 --> 00:19:41.530
So let me show you another film,
again very cleverly, the

00:19:41.530 --> 00:19:43.880
Renee Baillergon has been one
the leaders in this field--

00:19:43.880 --> 00:19:51.520
very cleverly showing you what
infants grasp and don't grasp.

00:19:51.520 --> 00:19:54.360
Not only the brilliance
of these experiments.

00:19:54.360 --> 00:19:56.320
These infants are really trying
to figure out the

00:19:56.320 --> 00:19:58.990
world, and coming up with
hypotheses that they're

00:19:58.990 --> 00:19:59.580
confirming.

00:19:59.580 --> 00:20:02.100
And then when they're broken
down they're upset with

00:20:02.100 --> 00:20:03.130
what's going on.

00:20:03.130 --> 00:20:05.890
So let's move on to age two to
seven, especially in the early

00:20:05.890 --> 00:20:09.160
years, so-called a
preoperational stage.

00:20:09.160 --> 00:20:12.100
And one of the coolest things,
and we'll try this and see how

00:20:12.100 --> 00:20:16.320
it goes with some girls in a
few minutes, is this idea.

00:20:16.320 --> 00:20:19.130
So if you see two glasses filled
with equal amounts of

00:20:19.130 --> 00:20:23.070
liquid, and you pour one over
into the thinner, taller

00:20:23.070 --> 00:20:27.720
glass, c, which will have
more water in it?

00:20:27.720 --> 00:20:29.930
A or C?

00:20:29.930 --> 00:20:31.180
The same.

00:20:33.460 --> 00:20:36.650
But not if you're a two year
old or a four-year-old.

00:20:36.650 --> 00:20:38.700
So it's called conservation
of liquid.

00:20:45.840 --> 00:20:48.230
So, it's kind of fascinating,
isn't it?

00:20:48.230 --> 00:20:50.190
It's kind of amazing.

00:20:50.190 --> 00:20:52.000
If you do this with a three
year old it's virtually

00:20:52.000 --> 00:20:53.210
guaranteed they'll do this.

00:20:53.210 --> 00:20:55.403
All of you did it all
over the world.

00:20:55.403 --> 00:20:57.935
And, in some sense, as far as we
can guess , all throughout

00:20:57.935 --> 00:20:59.220
our species' history.

00:20:59.220 --> 00:21:02.660
So brilliant ways of showing
that babies, or young

00:21:02.660 --> 00:21:06.990
children, really see a little
bit of a different world than

00:21:06.990 --> 00:21:11.940
you and I as adults.

00:21:11.940 --> 00:21:16.080
So here's another very powerful
area of research,

00:21:16.080 --> 00:21:20.650
which is taking perspectives
from the view that other

00:21:20.650 --> 00:21:22.810
people have thoughts and
feelings besides yourself and

00:21:22.810 --> 00:21:24.060
how you interact with them.

00:21:26.330 --> 00:21:28.260
And people call this idea
theory of mind.

00:21:28.260 --> 00:21:32.030
The idea that you understand
that other people out there

00:21:32.030 --> 00:21:35.360
have their own thoughts, their
own feelings distinct from

00:21:35.360 --> 00:21:39.040
yours, and in the most
challenging case, they can

00:21:39.040 --> 00:21:40.990
even be false beliefs.

00:21:40.990 --> 00:21:43.580
A person can have wrong
information in their head and

00:21:43.580 --> 00:21:46.370
truly believe it, even when
you know it's wrong.

00:21:46.370 --> 00:21:48.520
Because you, as an adult,
realize that thoughts are one

00:21:48.520 --> 00:21:51.320
thing and physical reality
is another thing.

00:21:51.320 --> 00:21:52.700
But that's not what
children think.

00:21:52.700 --> 00:21:55.540
They think there's
just one reality.

00:21:55.540 --> 00:21:57.670
That's why at the very youngest
age, they think if

00:21:57.670 --> 00:22:01.970
they cover their eyes that you
don't know where they are,.

00:22:01.970 --> 00:22:04.220
Because they think there's one
physical reality only.

00:22:04.220 --> 00:22:06.500
And they don't realize there's
another prospective

00:22:06.500 --> 00:22:08.080
besides their own.

00:22:08.080 --> 00:22:11.250
So here's a very clever
experiment showing you that at

00:22:11.250 --> 00:22:15.090
three months, children code the
word in terms of actions.

00:22:15.090 --> 00:22:18.010
And by six to nine months,
they begin to understand

00:22:18.010 --> 00:22:21.320
intentions, that people out
there-- animals too but we'll

00:22:21.320 --> 00:22:23.550
just focus on people--
have intentions and

00:22:23.550 --> 00:22:25.140
goals in their head.

00:22:25.140 --> 00:22:26.900
So here's what the experiment
they do using this

00:22:26.900 --> 00:22:28.580
habituation.

00:22:28.580 --> 00:22:32.460
There's two pedestals here, and
a person reaches again and

00:22:32.460 --> 00:22:34.960
again for a ball.

00:22:34.960 --> 00:22:40.190
So now, what do you believe
the intention is?

00:22:40.190 --> 00:22:41.630
To reach for the ball.

00:22:41.630 --> 00:22:43.790
You see it 10 times, the
baby's losing interest.

00:22:43.790 --> 00:22:47.470
Now comes their shocker to get
the baby crying, or laughing,

00:22:47.470 --> 00:22:48.180
or drooling.

00:22:48.180 --> 00:22:49.410
Get the baby's attention
that you can

00:22:49.410 --> 00:22:51.380
measure by how they respond.

00:22:51.380 --> 00:22:54.950
And in some conditions,
something goes down, and when

00:22:54.950 --> 00:22:56.460
it goes back up the
person reaches.

00:22:56.460 --> 00:22:59.240
But now they take
the same action.

00:22:59.240 --> 00:23:01.950
They reach for the left
pedestal, but

00:23:01.950 --> 00:23:03.580
it's a teddy bear.

00:23:03.580 --> 00:23:06.380
Or another case, they reach
for the ball in

00:23:06.380 --> 00:23:08.240
the opposite side.

00:23:08.240 --> 00:23:11.780
Who, depending on their age,
sees these two different

00:23:11.780 --> 00:23:15.300
changes in the scenario
as startling?

00:23:15.300 --> 00:23:18.750
The three month olds are
startled when the person

00:23:18.750 --> 00:23:23.150
reaches for the same object.

00:23:23.150 --> 00:23:24.350
The three month old.

00:23:24.350 --> 00:23:27.270
Because in their mind, the only
thing that was really

00:23:27.270 --> 00:23:29.960
happening was reach for the
left, reach for the left,

00:23:29.960 --> 00:23:30.620
reach for the left.

00:23:30.620 --> 00:23:32.030
And now you're reaching
for the right.

00:23:32.030 --> 00:23:34.050
The action changed.

00:23:34.050 --> 00:23:36.010
Because the action is
independent of intention.

00:23:36.010 --> 00:23:38.060
It's just what happened, what
happened, what happened.

00:23:38.060 --> 00:23:40.080
They're shocked when
the person goes for

00:23:40.080 --> 00:23:41.510
the ball over here.

00:23:41.510 --> 00:23:43.810
By six to nine months,
they're shocked--

00:23:43.810 --> 00:23:45.000
relatively speaking--

00:23:45.000 --> 00:23:48.060
when the person reaches for the
same action but now the

00:23:48.060 --> 00:23:49.260
goal is different.

00:23:49.260 --> 00:23:50.660
Grabbing the teddy bear.

00:23:50.660 --> 00:23:53.080
It's as if they understand the
intention of the person was to

00:23:53.080 --> 00:23:55.710
get the ball, and these children
think the only thing

00:23:55.710 --> 00:23:57.870
that's happening is physical
action, physical action,

00:23:57.870 --> 00:23:58.890
physical action.

00:23:58.890 --> 00:24:01.950
So very clever experiment by
this habituation and looking

00:24:01.950 --> 00:24:05.660
time to show at three months
all you see is actions.

00:24:05.660 --> 00:24:09.260
And by six to nine months you
start to grasp that people

00:24:09.260 --> 00:24:12.360
have intentions in their head
above and beyond their actions

00:24:12.360 --> 00:24:14.700
that govern their actions.

00:24:14.700 --> 00:24:18.020
So to make it really tricky,
there's this very clever

00:24:18.020 --> 00:24:20.460
experiment that makes--

00:24:20.460 --> 00:24:22.150
and we'll try it in
a few minutes--

00:24:22.150 --> 00:24:22.550
this way.

00:24:22.550 --> 00:24:24.950
This so-called Sally-Anne
problem because it's been so

00:24:24.950 --> 00:24:26.760
widely cited and discussed.

00:24:26.760 --> 00:24:28.880
So you tell a child
this story.

00:24:28.880 --> 00:24:31.210
Imagine there's two girls
here, Sally and Anne.

00:24:31.210 --> 00:24:35.300
And Sally takes a ball and
puts it in this basket.

00:24:35.300 --> 00:24:37.570
And then she leaves the room.

00:24:37.570 --> 00:24:40.910
Anne, who's a little bit of a
troublemaker takes the ball

00:24:40.910 --> 00:24:44.730
out of here and puts it into
this box, and closes the box.

00:24:44.730 --> 00:24:47.100
Here's the big question.

00:24:47.100 --> 00:24:50.030
When Sally comes back and looks
for this ball, where

00:24:50.030 --> 00:24:51.060
will she look?

00:24:51.060 --> 00:24:53.860
And a three year old
says, in the box.

00:24:53.860 --> 00:24:56.770
Now if she was out of the room
there's no way for her to look

00:24:56.770 --> 00:24:57.500
that's in the box.

00:24:57.500 --> 00:24:59.750
But for the three year
old, there's not

00:24:59.750 --> 00:25:01.090
thoughts and reality.

00:25:01.090 --> 00:25:03.220
There's just kind of reality.

00:25:03.220 --> 00:25:04.520
Does that make sense?

00:25:04.520 --> 00:25:07.410
The three year old can't
entertain the idea that Sally

00:25:07.410 --> 00:25:10.770
has, in her head, wrong
knowledge of

00:25:10.770 --> 00:25:11.580
where this ball is.

00:25:11.580 --> 00:25:13.370
The she couldn't have known
where it is and she's going to

00:25:13.370 --> 00:25:15.070
act on the knowledge
that's in her head.

00:25:15.070 --> 00:25:17.300
That's the content
of her mind.

00:25:17.300 --> 00:25:19.395
The three year old says there's
one reality, the ball

00:25:19.395 --> 00:25:20.420
is over here.

00:25:20.420 --> 00:25:21.280
I know it.

00:25:21.280 --> 00:25:22.160
Everybody knows it.

00:25:22.160 --> 00:25:25.170
What else is there to
even think about?

00:25:25.170 --> 00:25:28.740
But that typical five-year-old
will say, Sally will look in

00:25:28.740 --> 00:25:29.870
the wrong place.

00:25:29.870 --> 00:25:31.840
She'll look in the basket.

00:25:31.840 --> 00:25:33.810
She'll look in the wrong
place compared to

00:25:33.810 --> 00:25:34.650
where the ball is now.

00:25:34.650 --> 00:25:35.870
Because she believes
it's there.

00:25:35.870 --> 00:25:37.390
She has the wrong idea
in her head.

00:25:37.390 --> 00:25:40.970
That ideas can be independent of
physical, observable things

00:25:40.970 --> 00:25:43.590
in the world.

00:25:43.590 --> 00:25:44.870
This is a universal finding.

00:25:44.870 --> 00:25:46.050
I'm going to have to
change my settings.

00:25:46.050 --> 00:25:46.670
Sorry.

00:25:46.670 --> 00:25:48.620
Your handout has this.

00:25:48.620 --> 00:25:50.540
In practically every country
where they've tested this,

00:25:50.540 --> 00:25:52.150
three year olds don't have
a theory of mind,

00:25:52.150 --> 00:25:54.760
five year olds do.

00:25:54.760 --> 00:25:55.660
Turns out--

00:25:55.660 --> 00:25:57.420
and you could take a guess--

00:25:57.420 --> 00:26:02.020
the older sibling you have,
the younger you become at

00:26:02.020 --> 00:26:04.420
getting a good theory of mind.

00:26:04.420 --> 00:26:08.840
Nobody really knows what the
answer but what's your guess?

00:26:08.840 --> 00:26:10.480
The more siblings you
have that are older

00:26:10.480 --> 00:26:12.540
than you, the younger--

00:26:12.540 --> 00:26:15.090
by some number of months--
people tend to show that they

00:26:15.090 --> 00:26:17.290
can understand that people have
all kinds of thoughts and

00:26:17.290 --> 00:26:19.150
beliefs in their head.

00:26:19.150 --> 00:26:20.290
What's your guess?

00:26:20.290 --> 00:26:21.180
Yeah.

00:26:21.180 --> 00:26:23.340
AUDIENCE: They have gone
through versions of the

00:26:23.340 --> 00:26:25.020
Sally-Anne problem themselves.

00:26:25.020 --> 00:26:26.980
PROFESSOR: They may have been
tortured by their siblings.

00:26:26.980 --> 00:26:29.070
But on top of that, the
intuition is-- and we don't

00:26:29.070 --> 00:26:31.160
really know, this is hard to--

00:26:31.160 --> 00:26:33.210
they're living in a world,
because they have older

00:26:33.210 --> 00:26:35.910
siblings who do unkind things
to them, who have superior

00:26:35.910 --> 00:26:40.880
powers over them physically,
they're much more socially--

00:26:40.880 --> 00:26:42.800
have to figure out what's going
on to survive happily

00:26:42.800 --> 00:26:45.330
and make their way
in the world.

00:26:45.330 --> 00:26:48.781
The big five year old, he or she
is dominant, and the two

00:26:48.781 --> 00:26:50.530
year old is trying
to steer around.

00:26:50.530 --> 00:26:51.910
Like, what is does that
five year old think?

00:26:51.910 --> 00:26:53.330
How will I not get into
trouble with that

00:26:53.330 --> 00:26:56.080
five-year-old and my mother
and my father?

00:26:56.080 --> 00:27:00.430
A younger sibling has more
social pressures to figure out

00:27:00.430 --> 00:27:02.430
what's going on and steer your
way around, and not get in

00:27:02.430 --> 00:27:05.520
trouble with your
older siblings.

00:27:05.520 --> 00:27:06.400
We'll come back to autism.

00:27:06.400 --> 00:27:08.700
I'll just say a word
about this now.

00:27:08.700 --> 00:27:10.480
You hear a lot about it.

00:27:10.480 --> 00:27:13.050
The current guess is that it's
approximately 1 out of every

00:27:13.050 --> 00:27:14.070
140 children.

00:27:14.070 --> 00:27:16.060
A shockinging increase in
numbers to what people

00:27:16.060 --> 00:27:19.160
believed it was many
years ago.

00:27:19.160 --> 00:27:21.440
Mysteriously, there's
many more boys

00:27:21.440 --> 00:27:23.240
than girls with autism.

00:27:23.240 --> 00:27:25.790
Estimates are 4 to 1, or 10
to 1 range, all there.

00:27:25.790 --> 00:27:27.650
It's hard to know for sure.

00:27:27.650 --> 00:27:29.220
We'll talk more about that.

00:27:29.220 --> 00:27:31.830
Autism is defined
by three things.

00:27:31.830 --> 00:27:33.700
A sort of weakness, or
deficit, in social

00:27:33.700 --> 00:27:35.470
interaction.

00:27:35.470 --> 00:27:37.850
Children with autism, or adults,
have difficulty in

00:27:37.850 --> 00:27:39.270
social interaction.

00:27:39.270 --> 00:27:40.220
In communication.

00:27:40.220 --> 00:27:43.030
And they have lots of repetitive
behaviors that can

00:27:43.030 --> 00:27:46.630
be difficult to help in
interaction with others.

00:27:46.630 --> 00:27:50.130
And when people test theory of
mind in children with autism,

00:27:50.130 --> 00:27:53.410
it's typically delayed by five
or six years on average, for

00:27:53.410 --> 00:27:55.420
those children who can
take the test at all.

00:27:55.420 --> 00:27:59.470
They have a very slowly
developing, very delayed

00:27:59.470 --> 00:28:01.450
theory of mind and understanding
what's in the

00:28:01.450 --> 00:28:04.260
content of the thoughts
of other people.

00:28:04.260 --> 00:28:06.990
And that's considered one of
their biggest challenges.

00:28:06.990 --> 00:28:08.190
How they relate to
other people.

00:28:08.190 --> 00:28:10.360
Understanding what the other
person's thinking and feeling.

00:28:15.470 --> 00:28:17.080
Just for a couple minutes I'm
going to show you a video and

00:28:17.080 --> 00:28:18.330
then we're going to try--

00:28:18.330 --> 00:28:23.590
So the biggest challenges to
Piaget have been this idea

00:28:23.590 --> 00:28:26.540
that there's these distinct
stages of thought.

00:28:26.540 --> 00:28:28.410
That your mind shifts,
literally, how it's

00:28:28.410 --> 00:28:30.570
constructed and understands
the world.

00:28:30.570 --> 00:28:33.270
And that people have thought
that the process is much more

00:28:33.270 --> 00:28:36.300
continuous than Piaget
had suggested.

00:28:36.300 --> 00:28:39.260
And here's one compelling
example of that kind.

00:28:39.260 --> 00:28:41.670
So this is the A-not-B
experiment.

00:28:41.670 --> 00:28:43.490
There's a two food wells,
and something of

00:28:43.490 --> 00:28:44.540
interest in this infant.

00:28:44.540 --> 00:28:48.170
The seven month old looks
at the toy here.

00:28:48.170 --> 00:28:49.420
It gets covered up.

00:28:53.110 --> 00:28:56.500
It's placed in b, and b is
one of the two wells.

00:28:56.500 --> 00:28:58.990
He continues to look at b
when both are covered.

00:28:58.990 --> 00:29:01.090
He knows the toy
is over there.

00:29:01.090 --> 00:29:04.610
And the toy has been placed
over and over again in a.

00:29:04.610 --> 00:29:06.040
So he gets the A-not-B error.

00:29:06.040 --> 00:29:07.750
He has the action.

00:29:07.750 --> 00:29:10.170
And even though he sees the
toy is placed there.

00:29:10.170 --> 00:29:11.050
It's covered up.

00:29:11.050 --> 00:29:13.550
He's looking where the toy is.

00:29:13.550 --> 00:29:16.750
When it's time to reach
he goes to this well.

00:29:16.750 --> 00:29:18.510
So this is A-not-B error.

00:29:18.510 --> 00:29:25.360
A part of his mind that guides
action is stuck and guides

00:29:25.360 --> 00:29:27.740
what he reaches for.

00:29:27.740 --> 00:29:30.850
But obviously another part of
his mind knows perfectly well

00:29:30.850 --> 00:29:32.320
where the toy is.

00:29:32.320 --> 00:29:36.180
So it's not as if it's all of
one, or all of another.

00:29:36.180 --> 00:29:39.910
His mind is representing that
there's a toy down there, but

00:29:39.910 --> 00:29:42.580
the part of his brain or mind
that guides his action is

00:29:42.580 --> 00:29:44.760
still stuck at this early
developmental stage. it's if

00:29:44.760 --> 00:29:46.190
he were two ages.

00:29:46.190 --> 00:29:48.370
One guiding where
his eyes goes.

00:29:48.370 --> 00:29:50.070
And one guiding the
ultimate action of

00:29:50.070 --> 00:29:51.340
where his hands goes.

00:29:51.340 --> 00:29:53.960
And as he gets a little older,
his eyes and hands will go in

00:29:53.960 --> 00:29:56.390
the same place.

00:29:56.390 --> 00:29:59.650
OK, last couple of things
about how infants are

00:29:59.650 --> 00:30:01.300
mathematicians.

00:30:01.300 --> 00:30:04.030
Because, of course, we focused
on language, or social

00:30:04.030 --> 00:30:07.790
thought, but the ideas of
counting and, ultimately,

00:30:07.790 --> 00:30:11.990
arithmetic or math also come
out of children's minds.

00:30:11.990 --> 00:30:13.450
And a very clever experiment--

00:30:13.450 --> 00:30:14.640
and I'll show you
two of them--

00:30:14.640 --> 00:30:17.840
that shows even at six months,
infants are starting to

00:30:17.840 --> 00:30:20.130
prepare themselves to become
mathematicians.

00:30:20.130 --> 00:30:22.010
And here's how they begin
the counting.

00:30:22.010 --> 00:30:25.480
They're shown displays of three
objects or two objects.

00:30:25.480 --> 00:30:28.000
And then they hear two sounds
like boom boom.

00:30:28.000 --> 00:30:29.450
And where do they look?

00:30:29.450 --> 00:30:31.560
They tend to look at the
one with two objects.

00:30:31.560 --> 00:30:32.830
So this is pretty impressive.

00:30:32.830 --> 00:30:34.260
They're counting the two.

00:30:34.260 --> 00:30:37.340
They're relating something in
sound to something in sight

00:30:37.340 --> 00:30:40.050
that's arbitrarily related,
but that shares the

00:30:40.050 --> 00:30:41.690
numerosity.

00:30:41.690 --> 00:30:45.030
And if they get boom, boom,
boom, three boom sounds, then

00:30:45.030 --> 00:30:48.680
they go, OK, now I like the
display with three things.

00:30:48.680 --> 00:30:52.550
They understand, in some level,
twoness and threeness.

00:30:52.550 --> 00:30:57.880
And so you start to have the
basis of having numbers.

00:30:57.880 --> 00:30:59.820
And not only that, Karen Wynn
at Yale has shown quite

00:30:59.820 --> 00:31:02.300
cleverly, not only do infants
have numbers.

00:31:02.300 --> 00:31:05.530
They can do a little bit of
subtraction and addition.

00:31:05.530 --> 00:31:07.190
So here's the experiment
she does.

00:31:07.190 --> 00:31:08.990
She places an object
in a case.

00:31:08.990 --> 00:31:10.500
The screen comes up.

00:31:10.500 --> 00:31:12.370
Now comes the second object.

00:31:12.370 --> 00:31:13.670
And the hand leaves.

00:31:13.670 --> 00:31:14.930
OK.

00:31:14.930 --> 00:31:15.880
The screen drops.

00:31:15.880 --> 00:31:16.680
And there are two.

00:31:16.680 --> 00:31:19.120
One plus one equals two.

00:31:19.120 --> 00:31:21.520
And the infant goes,
OK, no big deal.

00:31:21.520 --> 00:31:24.970
But if the screen drops and
there's one, the infant is

00:31:24.970 --> 00:31:26.790
startled and looks longer.

00:31:26.790 --> 00:31:28.130
And they can do it the
other way around.

00:31:28.130 --> 00:31:30.430
They can do subtraction
as well.

00:31:30.430 --> 00:31:33.920
So one plus one equals two, and
if there's one left by the

00:31:33.920 --> 00:31:36.080
trickery of the kind you saw
earlier, they're disturbed

00:31:36.080 --> 00:31:38.330
that the addition has not
occurred correctly.

00:31:38.330 --> 00:31:41.290
Or the subtraction has not
occurred correctly.

00:31:41.290 --> 00:31:45.210
And there's kind of a debate--
this is the last slide--

00:31:45.210 --> 00:31:48.800
and here's the core idea,
though, which is this.

00:31:48.800 --> 00:31:52.840
That our minds afford us, by
evolution, counting up to

00:31:52.840 --> 00:31:54.690
about four objects
in the world.

00:31:54.690 --> 00:31:56.990
And many animals do
that as well.

00:31:56.990 --> 00:32:00.060
That sort of has to develop a
little bit, but we've at lot

00:32:00.060 --> 00:32:01.570
running in us.

00:32:01.570 --> 00:32:02.970
So that infants can do.

00:32:02.970 --> 00:32:06.020
Because, of course, if you show
7-- if you give 77 booms,

00:32:06.020 --> 00:32:09.540
they don't look for the display
with 77 versus 78.

00:32:09.540 --> 00:32:11.030
They can't do that.

00:32:11.030 --> 00:32:14.550
So they can operate in the world
of 1 to 3 or 1 to 4.

00:32:14.550 --> 00:32:15.790
And then they discovered--

00:32:15.790 --> 00:32:19.350
there's been a series of studies
in tribes, that are

00:32:19.350 --> 00:32:22.060
relatively isolated in different
parts of the world,

00:32:22.060 --> 00:32:25.290
where in their language they
only have words for

00:32:25.290 --> 00:32:26.950
one, two, and three.

00:32:26.950 --> 00:32:29.050
And everything after that
is really described as

00:32:29.050 --> 00:32:30.680
many, or a whole lot.

00:32:30.680 --> 00:32:33.155
They don't have words
for five and up.

00:32:33.155 --> 00:32:35.630
There's no word in
their language.

00:32:35.630 --> 00:32:38.170
Because they've never needed it,
apparently, in the worlds

00:32:38.170 --> 00:32:39.240
they live in.

00:32:39.240 --> 00:32:41.140
So they go to them and
they have them do

00:32:41.140 --> 00:32:43.150
little counting tasks.

00:32:43.150 --> 00:32:46.130
And as soon as they get beyond
about four they get very

00:32:46.130 --> 00:32:47.930
inaccurate.

00:32:47.930 --> 00:32:51.340
It's as if the mind naturally
can represent about four

00:32:51.340 --> 00:32:54.660
things in the object world, four
things in the counting

00:32:54.660 --> 00:32:56.420
world-- maybe because
of that--

00:32:56.420 --> 00:32:59.920
and after that everything is a
cultural invention of higher

00:32:59.920 --> 00:33:01.200
level mathematics.

00:33:01.200 --> 00:33:03.020
It builds off one to four.

00:33:03.020 --> 00:33:04.830
But you don't have it
unless your culture

00:33:04.830 --> 00:33:06.030
teaches it to you.

00:33:06.030 --> 00:33:09.250
Or your culture invents it.

00:33:09.250 --> 00:33:11.460
And there's been brain imaging
studies too, suggesting that

00:33:11.460 --> 00:33:14.570
counting one to four is very
different in the brain than

00:33:14.570 --> 00:33:17.330
exact mathematics beyond the
number four or five.

00:33:17.330 --> 00:33:20.940
That's all culturally learned
and invented.

00:33:20.940 --> 00:33:23.180
It's based on an innate
one to four capacity.