9.00SC | Fall 2011 | Undergraduate

Introduction to Psychology

Vision II

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Session Overview

How do we identify things in our environment? How are we able to perceive objects like faces? During this lecture, we will explore how we are able to recognize objects and how the visual system interacts with our brain to make sense of what we see.

Keywords: agnosia, prognosia, perception, amygdale, facial recognition

Image courtesy of familymwr on Flickr. CC-BY.

Session Activities

Readings

Read the following before watching the lecture video.

Lecture Videos

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Video Resources

Discussion: Vision

We’ll talk about sensation – how light, the physical stimulus in the world, is transduced by your eye and becomes neural signals… Read more »

Further Study

Writing Assignment 1: Are studies of cognitive and emotional developments in adolescents useful for setting public policy guidelines?

These optional resources are provided for students that wish to explore this topic more fully.

TYPE CONTENT CONTEXT
Podcast Strangers in the Mirror” on Radiolab. Hosted by Robert Krulwich, with guests Oliver Sacks and Chuck Close. Uploaded Tuesday, June 15, 2010. An interview Oliver Sacks, a neuroscientist, and Chuck Close, an artist, both of whom have face blindness.
Website TarrLab A Carnegie Mellon University lab headed by Mike Tarr that focuses on visual perception and how humans process, recognize, and remember objects and faces.
Textbook supplement Study materials for Chapter 3, “Psychology Sensation and Perception: How the World Enters the Mind,” in Study Site for Psychology in Context, 3/e (Pearson Education, 2007) Practice test questions, flashcards, and media for a related textbook by Kosslyn & Rosenberg

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Session Overview

How do sensation, perception, and expectation create what we see? This discussion session complements the prior lecture sessions Vision 1 and Vision 2.

Discussion

…We’ll talk about perception – how the brain interprets the information that’s out there and how it realizes the content of the world based on bottom-up processes. We’ll talk about expectation – how the things that you know about the world bias your interpretation of what’s going on; how stuff that we know is true, based on our long-term experience, changes what we perceive, even with the same physical evidence.

Experiment

Retinotopy in Visual Cortex

The referenced experiment is described in Tootell, R.B., et. al. “Deoxyglucose Analysis of Retinotopic Organization in Primate Striate Cortex.” Science 218 no. 4575 (1982): pp. 902-904.

Cells in visual cortex each get information from a particular part of the world. This region is called the cell’s visual field. The cell responds to anything that enters its field. Based on the ensemble response of neurons in visual cortex, the brain can figure out the big picture.

In this experiment, researchers showed a pattern of circles and spokes to a monkey. The tiny squares flashed black and white, which really excited the cells in visual cortex. They also injected radioactively-labeled deoxyglucose, which was taken up by active cells. In a slice of visual cortex, the neurons that were firing are stained dark. If possible look at the picture in the article. What do you notice about this map of visual cortex in relation to the picture? In what ways are they similar, and in what ways are they different?

Sample Answer

There is a clear correspondence in the pattern of rings and the lines connecting them. However, it’s not to scale. There’s lots of visual cortex devoted to representing what’s at the center, at the fovea. Much less of the cortex, proportionally, is devoted to representing what’s on the periphery.

Given what we know about how well we perceive things at the center of our field of vision versus on the periphery, does this make sense? Why do you suppose we evolved this way?

Demonstrations

Color Vision

Please load this link. Stare at the black dot. Please try not to blink.

The Big Spanish Castle

Why did you see the black and white image of the castle in color? According to the Opponent Process Theory of Color Vision, for some pairs of colors (red and green, blue and yellow), the presence of one inhibits us from seeing the other in the same location on the retina. When you’re staring at the opposing colors in the first image, your photoreceptors begin to adapt to the stimulus. Once you shift to a neutral, grayscale picture, the opponent colors begin to fire, as they are no longer being inhibited.

Color Blindness

The most common type of color blindness is the inability to distinguish red and green. Can you read the number within the circle?

Ishihara Plate 9

Depth and Size Cues

What is happening with this giant child and her tiny father?

Photo courtesy of Keith Uden on Flickr.

This scene was designed to trick your eyes into seeing the adult (who is in the distance) as smaller than the kid. Our brain knows certain things about the world: That squares are square, and that floors and ceilings are parallel. These are facts about the world that allow us to interpret what we see. However, everything in this room is slanted. This illusion is interesting because the size information given by the depth cues (texture and perspective) contradict what we know about the actual size of people.

Expectations Changing Perception

What do you see in the image below?

Courtesy of Elsevier, Inc., http://www.sciencedirect.com. Used with permission. R.C. James, as seen in Tai Sing Lee (2003). Computations in the early visual cortex. Journal of Physiology 97, 121-139. Retrieved from (PDF - 1.2MB)

Do you see it?

It’s a Dalmatian sniffing the ground under a tree.

Do you see it now?

The truth is, once you know that there’s a dog, you will always and forever see the dog in this picture. Why? Well, in addition to all of the feedforward systems in the brain (world → retina → lateral geniculate nucleus (in the thalamus) → V1 (visual cortex) → V2, V4, MT areas), there is also a feedback system. In fact, there are about 10 times as many feedback connections as feedforward connections in the visual system. The brain does not passively absorb visual information, it uses memory to impose its interpretations on the visual world.

Image by MIT OpenCourseWare.

Configural versus Holistic Viewing

Who are these people?

       

Reprinted by permission from Macmillan Publishers Ltd: Nature. Source: Sinha, Pawan, and Tomaso Poggio. “I Think I Know That Face…Nature 384 (1996): 404. © 1996.

Al Gore and Bill Clinton, of course. Dick Cheney and George Bush, of course.

Really?

Take a look at Gore’s eyes and Clinton’s eyes. Cheney’s eyes and Bush’s eyes. Gore’s mouth and Clinton’s mouth. Cheney’s mouth, and Bush’s mouth.

What’s going on?

In each case, the president’s face has been copied onto the vice president’s head.

We don’t see faces in parts, we see them in wholes – this is holistic processing. The illusion works because we expect the guy standing behind Clinton to be Gore, and because cues such as hair and glasses override our processing of the features.

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Removed Clip 1: A video clip of a woman with prospagnosia

“Sensation Without Perception: Visual Prosopagnosia” (length 4 minutes). Program 10 from Moving Images: Exploring Psychology Through Film, 2005. [Description on Oakton.edu]

Removed Clip 2: A video of a woman with alexia

A similar video can be viewed online. “Alexia Without Agraphia” (length approximately 9 minutes). Video originally by Dr. Shirley H. Wray, MD, Ph.D. (2002). Currently hosted by Neuro-ophthalmology Virtual Education Library: NOVEL at the University of Utah.

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Topic: Are studies of cognitive and emotional developments in adolescents useful for setting public policy guidelines?

To begin this assignment, you will read three sources (full citations and abstracts below):

  1. An analysis by Steinberg et al. of emotional and cognitive development in adolescents and how our understanding of these topics should be used in setting public policy, such as juvenile access to abortions or the death penalty;
  2. A criticism of this position by Fischer et al., who have a different perspective on how public policy should take into account emotional and cognitive development in juveniles; and,
  3. A rebuttal of the Fischer position by Steinberg et al.

Review the writing assignment guidelines given on the Syllabus. Your specific goal for Writing Assignment 1 is to analyze the arguments in the three papers, construct a coherent argument about the role of studies of cognitive and emotional development in setting public policy guidelines, and support this argument with specific evidence from the papers. A number of different approaches to this topic can satisfy the requirements of this writing assignment. For example, your thesis might address:

  • In what circumstances can psychological research on cognitive and emotional development be used to set public policy?
  • When, if ever, should public policy distinguish between cognitive and emotional development and why (or why not)?
  • Whose view of psychological development – Steinberg or Fischer – is better for setting public policy and why?

There is no “correct” answer you are expected to discover. Instead, you should read the papers and develop your own conclusion about what role psychological research should play in setting public policy. Your thesis should clearly state your position, and you should use the rest of the paper to justify your conclusion with specific evidence from the background readings.

Sources

Abstracts are presented courtesy of the American Psychological Association.

Steinberg, L., et al. “Are Adolescents Less Mature than Adults? Minors’ Access to Abortion, the Juvenile Death Penalty, and the Alleged APA ‘Flip-Flop’.” American Psychologist 64, no. 7 (2009): 583–94.

Abstract: “The American Psychological Association’s (APA’s) stance on the psychological maturity of adolescents has been criticized as inconsistent. In its Supreme Court amicus brief in Roper v. Simmons (2005), which abolished the juvenile death penalty, APA described adolescents as developmentally immature. In its amicus brief in Hodgson v. Minnesota (1990), however, which upheld adolescents’ right to seek an abortion without parental involvement, APA argued that adolescents are as mature as adults. The authors present evidence that adolescents demonstrate adult levels of cognitive capability earlier than they evince emotional and social maturity. On the basis of this research, the authors argue that it is entirely reasonable to assert that adolescents possess the necessary skills to make an informed choice about terminating a pregnancy but are nevertheless less mature than adults in ways that mitigate criminal responsibility. The notion that a single line can be drawn between adolescence and adulthood for different purposes under the law is at odds with developmental science. Drawing age boundaries on the basis of developmental research cannot be done sensibly without a careful and nuanced consideration of the particular demands placed on the individual for “adult-like” maturity in different domains of functioning.”

Fischer, K. W., et al. “Narrow Assessments Misrepresent Development and Misguide Policy.” American Psychologist 64, no. 7 (2009): 595–600.

Abstract: “Intellectual and psychosocial functioning develop along complex learning pathways. Steinberg, Cauffman, Woolard, Graham, and Banich (see record 2009-18110-001 ) measured these two classes of abilities with narrow, biased assessments that captured only a segment of each pathway and created misleading age patterns based on ceiling and floor effects. It is a simple matter to shift the assessments to produce the opposite pattern, with cognitive abilities appearing to develop well into adulthood and psychosocial abilities appearing to stop developing at age 16. Their measures also lacked a realistic connection to the lived behaviors of adolescents, abstracting too far from messy realities and thus lacking ecological validity and the nuanced portrait that the authors called for. A drastically different approach to assessing development is required that (a) includes the full age-related range of relevant abilities instead of a truncated set and (b) examines the variability and contextual dependence of abilities relevant to the topics of murder and abortion.”

Steinberg, L., et al. (2009b) “Reconciling the Complexity of Human Development with the Reality of Legal Policy.” American Psychologist 64, no. 7 (2009): 601–4.

Abstract: “The authors respond to both the general and specific concerns raised in Fischer, Stein, and Heikkinen’s (see record 2009-18110-002 ) commentary on their article (Steinberg, Cauffman, Woolard, Graham, & Banich) (see record 2009-18110-001 ), in which they drew on studies of adolescent development to justify the American Psychological Association’s positions in two Supreme Court cases involving the construction of legal age boundaries. In response to Fischer et al.’s general concern that the construction of bright-line age boundaries is inconsistent with the fact that development is multifaceted, variable across individuals, and contextually conditioned, the authors argue that the only logical alternative suggested by that perspective is impractical and unhelpful in a legal context. In response to Fischer et al.’s specific concerns that their conclusion about the differential timetables of cognitive and psychosocial maturity is merely an artifact of the variables, measures, and methods they used, the authors argue that, unlike the alternatives suggested by Fischer et al., their choices are aligned with the specific capacities under consideration in the two cases. The authors reaffirm their position that there is considerable empirical evidence that adolescents demonstrate adult levels of cognitive capability several years before they evince adult levels of psychosocial maturity.”

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